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Season’s Greetings from the Sylff Association Secretariat: Sylff News 2024

December 16, 2024

As 2024, marked by growing global challenges, draws to a close, we wish to express our heartfelt gratitude to each of you for your continued commitment to the ideals and operations of the Sylff program.

We have been able to relaunch in-person contact with many Sylff institutions following several years of pandemic-induced travel restrictions. Many new outstanding and motivated fellows joined our diverse community, helping to expand our global network and advancing the Sylff mission, which is to transcend differences and bring about positive social change.

In addition to visiting Sylff institutions in Japan—Keio University, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, and Waseda University—members of the Sylff Association secretariat traveled abroad in 2024 to meet with university officials, SSC members, and fellows at the University of Oslo, University of Copenhagen, University of Helsinki, Uppsala University, National Academy of Governance, Gadjah Mada University, and Ankara University. The visits were opportunities to catch up on the operations of the Sylff program at each institution and to attend fellows gatherings, where SLI/SRG experiences and activities updates were shared, and connections were made with those in different fellow years.

Follow the links below for news regarding these and other Sylff community activities over the course of the past year. We wish you a joyful and peaceful holiday season and look forward to working with you to accomplish greater things in 2025.

The secretariat will be closed from December 28 to January 5 for the winter holidays. Please also note that we will be moving to a new office next year. Our new address as of April 1, 2025, will be: The Sasakawa Peace Foundation Bldg. 5F, 1-15-16 Toranomon, Minato-ku, Tokyo 105-8524, Japan.

Meetings with Administrators and Fellows

Feb 19
A Visit to the Multicultural Campus of Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University

May 7
An Online Orientation Meeting for “Pedro Arrupe” Fellows

May 9
Presentations by Waseda Fellows and Meeting of the Steering Committee

May 14
Chairman Sasakawa Visits Universiti Malaya

Jun 13
Visits to the Geneva Graduate Institute and Uppsala University by Chairman Sasakawa

July 17
Sylff Administrators’ Meeting for Five Chinese Universities in Tokyo

Support Programs

Jan 24
SLI Award for Project to Create an Educational Model for the Indigenous Amahuaca People in Peru

Feb 13
Sylff Research Grant (SRG) Recipients for Fiscal 2023

April 1
SLI Call for Applications Updated

April 8
SRG Applications for FY2024 to be Accepted from May

May 15
Launch of Preliminary Registration for SRG 2024

May 23
SLI Award for Project to Promote Diversity and Inclusion in Music through Concerts in Germany

June 11
An Initiative to Broaden Educational Horizons for Rural Youth in India

Highlights from the Sylff Community

Feb 2
Western Cape, Keio Fellows Featured at Symposium Co-Organized by the Tokyo Foundation

Sept 24
Sofia Fellow Supervises Bulgaria’s First Summer School of Ancient Near Eastern Studies

Nov 26
Juilliard Fellow Edits Routledge Handbook of Arts and Global Development

Dec 11
Event Held to Honor Sylff Alumni at Athens University History Museum

Sylff＠Tokyo

July 23
Sylff@Tokyo: Inspired by Sylff Leaders Workshop to Teach Food Justice

Oct 16
Sylff@Tokyo: Fletcher’s Multinational Focus on Meeting Global Challenges

Dec 3
Sylff@Tokyo: Developing Global Leadership Professionals at UCSD

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Event Held to Honor Sylff Alumni at Athens University History Museum

December 11, 2024

The National and Kapodistrian University of Athens hosted a Sylff alumni celebration event on October 4, 2024, at the architecturally distinguished Athens University History Museum．The event was attended by Japanese Ambassador to Greece Koichi Ito, former Rector and former Member of Parliament Theodoros Fortsakis, members of the university’s Sylff Steering Committee, NKUA faculty members, and Sylff fellows.

Since the Sylff program was established at the university in 1993, more than 300 graduate students in the humanities and social sciences have received Sylff fellowships and moved on to careers in academia, social entrepreneurship, business, and government. Athens fellows have been among the most active in the Sylff community, many of them successfully applying for additional support through the Sylff Research Grant (SRG) and Sylff Research Abroad (SRA) programs to advance their studies.

We are really grateful to NKUA for hosting this event, which serves as a reminder of the significant role the Sylff program can play in the lives of both current and graduated fellows. We hope that Athens fellows will continue to demonstrate leadership in their respective fields and broaden their professional ties with one another. We also hope to continue developing the solid legacy of partnership and cooperation that NKUA and the Sylff Association have built over the past 30 years.

Read the article about the Sylff alumni event published on the website of the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens at: https://hub.uoa.gr/en/event-in-honour-of-the-alumni-of-the-ryoichi-sasakawa-young-leaders-fellowship-fund-sylff-at-the-athens-university-history-museum/.

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EDI Rhetoric and the Experiences of LGBTQ+ International Students in Canada

December 10, 2024
By 31445

The experiences of LGBTQ+ international students in Canada point to a complex web of challenges, writes Fatemeh Gharibi (York University, 2020), from discriminatory immigration and academic policies to revenue-motivated promises of inclusion, highlighting contradictions in the country’s equity, diversity, and inclusion rhetoric.

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Over 7 million students in higher education globally hold international status, a number growing due to globalization and the evolution of the “knowledge economy” (Corkum 2017, 110; Trilokekar et al. 2020, 9). In response to rising anti-immigrant sentiments and political shifts to the right, Canada has introduced caps on international students, impacting both current and prospective students (IRCC 2024). These restrictions, alongside recent price surges and housing crises blamed on migrants, disproportionately affect international students, particularly those with temporary status in Canada (Hamilton & Su 2024). Marc Miller, Canada’s minister of immigration, announced in 2023 that international student caps would also affect students already in the country, impacting admission, work permits, and other vital aspects of their stay.

LGBTQ+ international students face additional challenges, influenced by changes in immigration policies and the social climate regarding LGBTQ+ rights, which affect their quality of life and access to resources. Anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment has also been rising in Canada, with legislation such as Bill 137 in Saskatchewan, which mandates parental consent for minors to use a different gender-related name or pronoun at school, sparking concerns for LGBTQ+ students who came to Canada for a more accepting environment (Marshall 2021; Corkum 2017). Research shows that anti-LGBTQ+ ideologies often intersect with other bigoted beliefs and far-right politics, impacting LGBTQ+ international students disproportionately (Dietzel et al. 2023).

As a queer, racialized international student, I find Canada’s Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) rhetoric contradictory, given the exploitative nature of its immigration and education systems, which create precarities for marginalized groups. Economic-driven research on international students, often criticized as “reductionist,” fails to fully capture the lived experiences of these students (Tavares 2021a, 5). To address this gap, I conducted a systematic literature review of 100 sources from 2000 to 2024, exploring the experiences of LGBTQ+ international students and the intersection of university internationalization, EDI priorities, and their impacts on these students.

The review revealed that while migration offers LGBTQ+ students opportunities for self-exploration, it also exposes them to unique challenges, including discrimination based on intersecting identities like race, sexuality, status, and nationality. For these students, access to resources is limited compared to their domestic counterparts. The commercialization of education for international students, moreover, conflicts with EDI’s goals. EDI is often used as a marketing tool to portray Canada as inclusive while treating diversity as a commodity to attract students who are then exploited as revenue sources. This dual focus on profit and diversity branding highlights the contradictions in EDI policies in capitalist countries like Canada, which may appear inclusive but prioritize revenue generation over actual support for international students’ well-being.

“We Reject Your ‘Use and Throw’ Policy.” Day 45 (October 13, 2024) of protests in Brampton, where former international students have been camping outdoors to draw attention to recent policy changes in Canada.

International LGBTQ+ Students’ Experiences

The term “international student” is often homogenizing, lumping together people from diverse backgrounds; my research centers on students from the Global South in Canada, highlighting voices lacking the privileges of white, Western counterparts. For LGBTQ+ international students, migration can be a space for identity exploration (Corkum 2017; Nguyen et al. 2017; Oba & Pope 2013), but these students also encounter challenges within Canada’s racial and colonial hierarchies, affecting them through discriminatory immigration and academic policies (Yao et al. 2019; Lee 2019; Stein & de Andreotti 2016). Two key literature areas address these students’ experiences.

The first area focuses on “identity development” and cultural challenges in “coming out,” exploring dual cultural influences of home and host countries, and the need for culturally sensitive support (Nguyen et al. 2017; Quach et al. 2013; Oba & Pope 2013). This literature notes the complexity of disclosure due to family, cultural beliefs, and the legal status of LGBTQ+ rights in home countries (Nguyen et al. 2017, 113–14). However, by centering on cultural differences, it sometimes neglects broader power structures, racial issues, and the historical spread of homophobia via colonization, as well as recent anti-LGBTQ+ backlashes in the Global North.

The second area explores how racism, nationalism, and colonialism impact queer migrant bodies and create precarious statuses (Marshall 2021; Corkum 2017; Lee 2019). Concepts like “homonationalism” in Canada reveal how some queer identities, especially white ones, are embraced by the state, reinforcing inequalities (Puar 2017; Marshall 2021). Corkum (2017, 124) specifically highlights the disillusionment faced by LGBTQ+ international students who confront values favoring their white, Canadian-born peers, which can hinder their belonging and relegate racialized queer students to marginal spaces. My present study aligns with a “holistic” approach (Tavares 2021a), focusing on lived experiences and challenging systemic barriers.

There remains a gap in research on how issues like gender and sexuality affect broader challenges like housing, employment, health, and social services access. The current literature on LGBTQ+ international students largely prioritizes identity while overlooking trans-specific experiences, disabilities, and relationship with land, with only brief mentions of nationality and status.

Implications of Internationalization and EDI

Internationalization is a high priority at 95% of Canadian universities (AUCC, cited in Stein & de Andreotti 2016, 230), driven by neoliberal economic shifts and global politics. De Wit et al. describe the four rationales for this trend as “political, economic, socio-cultural, and academic” (cited in Guo & Guo 2017, 853). Though academic internationalization ideally integrates international perspectives into education (Jane Knight, cited in Das Gupta & Gomez 2023, 73), it often becomes a “marketing strategy” aimed at revenue generation, with international students paying higher fees to make up for public funding cuts (Guo & Guo 2017, 851; Das Gupta & Gomez 2023; McCartney & Metcalfe 2018).

EDI strategies in Canada were introduced post-1970s as responses to civil rights movements and neoliberal immigration priorities, framed by multiculturalism and human rights (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023, 72). EDI policies help market Canadian education as inclusive, particularly to students of color from the Global South, positioning Canada as tolerant and benevolent. However, EDI can reinforce Western dominance by perpetuating a global hierarchy where the West is always positioned as superior (Stein & de Andreotti 2016, 226).

While EDI and internationalization are priorities for Canadian universities, their revenue-driven approaches often undermine true equity for international students, leading to contradictions in policies and practices (Buckner et al. 2022, 39; Tavares 2021b, 2). The focus on generating income through recruitment can overshadow equitable treatment and inclusion for these students. The following section will further explore international students’ experiences of EDI in educational settings.

EDI Strategies and International Students

Few studies have investigated EDI strategies concerning international students, with none of them specifically addressing gender and sexuality. These studies raise concerns about the effectiveness of EDI practices, particularly in the context of internationalization, due to the inherent contradiction between the two (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023; Buckner et al. 2022; Tavares 2021b). I seek to connect these findings to relevant experiences of international LGBTQ+ students.

Equity?

Tamtik and Guenter (2019) emphasize that Canadian universities largely overlook international students as an equity-seeking group, even though many are people of color and face unique barriers due to their temporary status. Buckner et al. (2022) argue that universities need to address the contradiction between market and equity logics, especially in relation to tuition disparities between international and domestic students. Das Gupta and Gomez (2023, 81) note that international students, particularly those with post-graduate work permits, often lack access to settlement and social services. This gap extends to international LGBTQ+ students, who encounter difficulties in accessing necessary medical and legal services related to gender transitioning and HIV prevention (OHTN n.d., 5).

Diversity?

Diversity is often promoted as a means of enriching knowledge and intercultural connections (Legusov & Jafar 2021, 57), yet Trilokekar and El Masri (2016, 674–76) reveal that the process of recruiting international students and their integration into Canadian society often reinforces conformity to Canadian norms around race, language, and religion, limiting the genuine mutual exchange intended. International students frequently find that their presence does not foster true intercultural connections, as curricula often lack international perspectives, and their experiences are undervalued (Tavares 2021b; Guo & Guo 2017). Ahmed (2012, 10–11) observes that “diversity” is frequently presented as an achievement even when there is no real institutional change. Moreover, while gender and sexual diversity are celebrated, Canadian universities often fail to address the unique needs of international LGBTQ+ students who prioritize privacy over visibility due to concerns like “diasporic surveillance” (Nguyen et al. 2017, 117–18; Corkum 2017, 114).

Inclusion?

Tavares (2021b, 1) finds that international students often experience superficial multiculturalism and social exclusion. LGBTQ+ international students face barriers both within the university and in queer communities, feeling isolated as “the international ones” in local LGBTQ+ groups and “the LGBTQ+ ones” among international students (Corkum 2017; Nguyen et al. 2017). Inclusion is problematic within a system that marginalizes certain groups, as Lenon and Dryden (2015, 16) argue, pointing out that “inclusion does not equate to justice.” They contend that inclusion efforts often uphold neoliberalism, white supremacy, and Western dominance, exacerbating the vulnerabilities of international LGBTQ+ students (Lenon & Dryden 2015; Thobani 2007).

The author, left, presents research findings in a panel titled “From Failure to Refusal: Queerness, Migrancy, and Other Improper Subjects of Racial and Colonial Capitalism” at the Congress of Social Sciences and Humanities, Toronto, Canada, May, 2023. The other panelists are, from left, Rhiannon Cobb, Mengzhu Fu, and Jin Haritaworn.

Closing Remarks

The existing literature provides an intersectional analysis of international LGBTQ+ students’ experiences, but more nuanced frameworks are needed to understand issues concerning their identities. Dominant identity categorizations in Western academia, like queer of color, may not fully capture their social locations, as they come from different racial structures in their home countries and may not initially feel connected to either queer or people of color histories and concerns in the host country. To address these incompatibilities, researchers have attempted to incorporate queer diasporic critique, neo-racism frameworks, and transnational critical race theory frameworks (Corkum 2017; Lee & Rice 2007; Yao et al 2019).

The literature examining EDI and decolonization in the context of internationalization presents two main approaches: one advocates for reforms within existing frameworks, focusing on improving EDI fulfillment through enhanced student support (Buckner et al. 2022; Tavares 2021b), and integrating Indigenous knowledge to decolonize internationalization (Beck & Pidgeon 2022). Another perspective challenges the systems of oppression at local and global levels and questions the feasibility of achieving equity, diversity, inclusion, and decolonization for international students within the current framework (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023).

Incorporating critical frameworks in everyday encounters and work with international students can challenge the reproduction of deficit narratives and expectations for seamless assimilation into local sexuality norms. Instead of constantly attempting to educate international students about the host country’s norms, there is a need to teach domestic students, faculty, staff, and society about other countries. It is essential to learn from the diverse stories and knowledge of international students, how they envision classrooms, campuses, queer and trans spaces, immigration, and internationalization, and be prepared to start adjusting instead of expecting them to do all the work.

References

Ahmed, S. 2012. On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life. Duke University Press. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/j50f41/cdi_proquest_miscellaneous_1082140471.

Beck, K. & Pidgeon, M. 2020. “Across the Divide: Critical Conversations on Decolonization, Indigenization, and Internationalization.” In Tamtik, M., Trilokekar, R. D., & Jones, G. A., eds., International Education as Public Policy in Canada, 384–406. McGill-Queen’s University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18sqz9q.22.

Brunner, L. R. 2023. “Settler Nation-Building through Immigration as a Rationale for Higher Education: A Critical Discourse Analysis.” Higher Education Research & Development, 42(5), 1086–1102. https://doi.org/10.1080/07294360.2023.2193732.

Buckner, E., Chan, E., & Kim, C. 2022. “Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion on Canadian Universities: Where Do International Students Fit In?” Comparative and International Education, 51(1), 39–56. https://ojs.lib.uwo.ca/index.php/cie-eci/article/view/14613.

Corkum, T. 2017. “Where Do I Begin? Educational Citizenship and Sexual Minority International Students in Ontario.” In Carpenter, S. & Mojab, S., eds., Youth as/in Crisis: Young People, Public Policy, and the Politics of Learning, 109–25. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-94-6351-098-1_8.

Das Gupta, T. & Gomez, B. 2023. “International Students and Equity, Diversity and Inclusivity (EDI) in Canadian Universities: A Critical Look.” In Kim, A., Buckner, E., & Montsion, J. M., eds., International Students from Asia in Canadian Universities, 72–85. Routledge. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/oa-edit/10.4324/b23160-7/international-students-equity-diversity-inclusivity-edi-canadian-universities-tania-das-gupta-bianca-gomez.

Dietzel, C., Maitland, H., & Jonsson, S. 2023. “Queerphobic Hate Is on the Rise, and LGBTQ+ Communities in Canada Need More Support.” The Conversation, October 24. http://theconversation.com/queerphobic-hate-is-on-the-rise-and-lgbtq-communities-in-canada-need-more-support-214932.

Guo, Y. & Guo, S. 2017. “Internationalization of Canadian Higher Education: Discrepancies between Policies and International Student Experiences.” Studies in Higher Education, 42(5), 851–868. https://doi.org/10.1080/03075079.2017.1293874.

Hamilton, L. & Su, Y. 2024. “International Students Cap Falsely Blames Them for Canada’s Housing and Health-Care Woes.” The Conversation, January 25. http://theconversation.com/international-students-cap-falsely-blames-them-for-canadas-housing-and-health-care-woes-221859.

Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). 2024. “Canada to Stabilize Growth and Decrease Number of New International Student Permits Issued to Approximately 360,000 for 2024.” News Release, January 22. https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/news/2024/01/canada-to-stabilize-growth-and-decrease-number-of-new-international-student-permits-issued-to-approximately-360000-for-2024.html.

Lee, E. O. J. 2019. “Responses to Structural Violence: The Everyday Ways in Which Queer and Trans Migrants with Precarious Status Respond to and Resist the Canadian Immigration Regime.” International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies, 10(1), 70–94. https://doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs101201918807.

Lee, J. J., & Rice, C. 2007. “Welcome to America? International Student Perceptions of Discrimination.” Higher Education, 53(3), 381–409. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-005-4508-3.

Legusov, O. & Jafar, H. F. 2021. “International Students at Canadian Community Colleges: Origins, Evolution, and Current Trends.” In Malveaux, G. & Bista, K., eds., International Students at US Community Colleges, 55–70. Routledge. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003121978-5/international-students-canadian-community-colleges-oleg-legusov-hayfa-jafar?context=ubx&refId=3e351ea8-8115-4ad5-8588-cdf6b045bc7c.

Lenon, S. & Dryden, O. H. 2015. “Introduction: Interventions, Iterations, and Interrogations That Disturb the (Homo)Nation.” In Dryden, O. H. & Lenon, S., eds., Disrupting Queer Inclusion: Canadian Homonationalisms and the Politics of Belonging, 3–18. UBC Press.

Marshall, N. 2021. “Queering CYC Praxis: What I Learned from LGBTQI+ Newcomer, Refugee, and Immigrant Students’ Experiences in Canada.” International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies, 12(3–4), 170–202. https://doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs123-4202120344.

McCartney, D. M. & Metcalfe, A. S. 2018. “Corporatization of Higher Education through Internationalization: The Emergence of Pathway Colleges in Canada.” Tertiary Education and Management 24 (3): 206–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/13583883.2018.1439997.

Nguyen, H. N., Agrawal, A., & Grafsky, E. L. 2017. “International LGBTQ Students across Borders and within the University. In Johnson, J. M. & Javier, G., eds., Queer People of Color in Higher Education, 109–22. Information Age Publishing, Inc. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/26r5oc/alma991036306548005164.

Oba, Y. & Pope, M. 2013. “Counseling and Advocacy with LGBT International Students.” Journal of LGBT Issues in Counseling, 7(2), 185–93. https://doi.org/10.1080/15538605.2013.785468.

Ontario Network for HIV Treatment (OHTN). n.d. Connection and Acceptance: A Resource Guide for Providers Serving International LGBTQ+ Students. https://hqtoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/OHTN-International-Student-Provider-Resource.pdf.

Puar, J. K. 2017. Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (Tenth Anniversary Expanded Edition). Duke University Press. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/j50f41/cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9780822371755.

Stein, S. & de Andreotti, V. O. 2016. “Cash, Competition, or Charity: International Students and the Global Imaginary. Higher Education, 72 (2), 225–39. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10734-015-9949-8.

Tamtik, M. & Guenter, M. 2019. “Policy Analysis of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion Strategies in Canadian Universities: How Far Have We Come?” Canadian Journal of Higher Education / Revue canadienne d’enseignement supérieur, 49(3), 41–56. https://doi.org/10.7202/1066634ar.

Tavares, V. 2021a. International Students in Higher Education: Language, Identity, and Experience from a Holistic Perspective. Rowman & Littlefield. https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781793641113/International-Students-in-Higher-Education-Language-Identity-and-Experience-from-a-Holistic-Perspective.

Tavares, V. 2021b. “Feeling Excluded: International Students Experience Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion.” International Journal of Inclusive Education, 28(8), 1551–68. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2021.2008536.

Thobani, S. 2007. Exalted Subjects: Studies in the Making of Race and Nation in Canada. University of Toronto Press. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/j50f41/cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9781442691520.

Trilokekar, R. D., Jones, G.A., & Tamtik, M. 2020. “Introduction: The Emergence of International Education as Public Policy.” In Tamtik, M., Trilokekar, R. D., & Jones, G.A., eds., International Education as Public Policy in Canada, 3–26. McGill-Queen’s University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18sqz9q.5.

Trilokekar, R. D. & El Masri, A. 2016. “The ‘[H]unt for New Canadians Begins in the Classroom’: The Construction and Contradictions of Canadian Policy Discourse on International Education. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 15(5), 666–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/14767724.2016.1222897.

Tuck, E. & Yang, K. W. 2012. “Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor.” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1), 1–40. https://clas.osu.edu/sites/clas.osu.edu/files/Tuck%20and%20Yang%202012%20Decolonization%20is%20not%20a%20metaphor.pdf.

Quach, A. S., Todd, M. E., Hepp, B. W., & Doneker Mancini, K. L. 2013. “Conceptualizing Sexual Identity Development: Implications for GLB Chinese International Students.” Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 9(3), 254–72. https://doi.org/10.1080/1550428X.2013.781908.

Yao, C. W., Mwangi, C. A. G., & Brown, V. K. M. 2019. “Exploring the Intersection of Transnationalism and Critical Race Theory: A Critical Race Analysis of International Student Experiences in the United States.” Race Ethnicity and Education, 22(1), 38–58. https://doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2018.1497968

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Cultural Rights in Serbia: A Report

December 5, 2024
By 31741

Cultural rights are constitutionally guaranteed in Serbia, yet face significant challenges due to limited funding, brain drain, and economic instability. This report by Aleksa Nikolic (University of Belgrade, 2024) examines Serbia’s legal framework and steps toward improvement.

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What Are Cultural Rights?

Pok Yin Chow begins his recently published book Cultural Rights in International Law and Discourse: Contemporary Challenges and Interdisciplinary Perspectives with an introduction entitled “Cultural Rights—A Radical Hope?” In it, Chow tries to show that cultural rights are an integral component of human rights that are as fundamental as civil, political, economic, and social rights. The disintegration of the bipolar world has served to highlight the importance of this aspect of human rights, providing us with a much-needed perspective on how we can explore, negotiate, and come to a deeper understanding of various cultures.

Cultural rights can be assessed as a precondition for the protection of other human rights. They are also critical considerations in numerous hotspots, such as conflict and post-conflict zones. Cultural rights can serve as pillars in the development of society and its legal system.

Cultural Rights under Serbian Law

Human rights are guaranteed in the current Constitution of the Republic of Serbia (Article 18). Given the fact that Serbia has ratified the most important international legal conventions on human rights, one gets the impression that these guarantees are unnecessarily duplicated in the Constitution. However, Serbia is by no means an exception, considering that the global trend is for not only the constitutionalization of international law but also the internationalization of constitutional law, especially in the field of human rights.

Constitutional references to cultural rights in only three articles (Articles 71–73), though, testify to the fact that they have advanced the least in their evolution compared to other human rights. Article 71 guarantees that everyone has the “right to education” and that the government “shall provide for free tertiary education to successful and talented students of lower property status in accordance with the law.” Article 72 guarantees the autonomy of universities, faculties, and scientific institutions, which “shall decide freely on their organization and work in accordance with the law.”

Article 73 proclaims that “scientific and artistic creativity shall be unrestricted,” with authors of scientific and artistic works being “guaranteed moral and material rights in accordance with the law” and the Republic of Serbia assisting and promoting the “development of science, culture and art.”

The wording of these provisions suggests, though, that the Constitution guarantees cultural rights only in principle, with specific protections being elucidated by legal acts.

A border sign saying “Goodbye” from the Republic of Serbia. CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

Upholding Cultural Rights in Practice

The key problem related to upholding cultural rights in Serbia is the country’s fiscal situation. The state’s science budget is extremely low, with allocations in 2019 for research and development totaling only 0.4% of gross domestic product, or just one-eighth of levels in Austria. This points to the need to restructure the research and development system and define new strategies to improve the position of cultural rights.

Indeed, the Serbian government’s latest long-term strategy for scientific and technological development could lead to shifts in investment patterns and improvements in scientic standards. The idea of combining institutional and project financing of scientific research is encouraging, but the ultimate goal of reforms should not be to solve just one in a series of key issues but to create a systemically efficient legal framework that will enable uninterrupted scientific research.

Another important precondition for improving the position of cultural rights is to prevent further “brain drain.” Particularly after the war events of the 1990s, Serbia encountered a large wave of migration. After many years of marginalizing this problem, the first steps toward its resolution have finally been taken. To encourcage the young, highly educated population to remain in the country, the competent ministry last year engaged 1,200 young PhD students in scientific research projects. While this is a positive trend, it is necessary to create a long-term strategy that will, among other things, guarantee young researchers employment after the expiration of these projects.

Given the need for increased funding, the country’s economic recovery may be an important prerequisite for further advancing the protection of cultural rights in the Republic of Serbia.

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Sylff@Tokyo: Developing Global Leadership Professionals at UCSD

December 3, 2024

Grace Osborne, director of Global Leadership Development at the University of California San Diego, visited the Sylff Association secretariat on November 13, 2024, during her business trip to Tokyo.

(From left) Program Officer Maki Shimada, Director of the UCSD Global Leadership Institute Grace Osborne, and Director Keita Sugai.

UCSD joined the Sylff community in 1991, when a $1 million endowment was established there to support the education of outstanding graduate students with high potential for global leadership.

Sylff fellowships are awarded to students enrolled in the UCSD Graduate School of Global Policy and Strategy. Because today’s professionals need a strong understanding of how management, public policy, and international interactions shape strategic decision-making, GPS offers an innovative curriculum that blends the best of three professional school traditions—international relations, public policy, and management. The curriculum is designed to foster this understanding and takes a minimum of two years to complete.

GPS is internationally recognized for its excellence, attracting high-caliber students from a wide range of backgrounds and regions. GPS has trained more than 1,500 men and women who have assumed positions of leadership in business, government, and nonprofit organizations throughout the world.

The current Sylff fellow at UCSD is Daniel Hershfield, who is working toward a master of international affairs at GPS. He graduated from UC Berkeley in 2020 with a BA in political science and a minor in global poverty and practice. At Berkeley, he served as a research assistant with the Program on Security Institutions and Violent Instability and researched communal violence in India while interning abroad at the Centre for the Study of Society and Secularism in Mumbai.

Post-graduation, he contributed to diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives in the Jewish community as a member of the nonprofit UpStart’s inaugural Jews of Color Career Development Program. As a senior research assistant at the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED), Hershfield led the analysis of political violence, civil unrest, and domestic extremism in regions such as North America and Oceania.

The Sylff Association secretariat is very grateful for the visit from UCSD and hopes to continue working closely with the institution to promote leadership development among current and graduated fellows.

 

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Juilliard Fellow Edits Routledge Handbook of Arts and Global Development

November 26, 2024

Patrick Kabanda, a 2002 Sylff fellowship recipient at the Juilliard School, has co-edited a “breathtaking” new book in the Routledge International Handbooks series analyzing the potential of the arts in promoting development.

The Routledge Handbook of Arts and Global Development provides a theoretical framework for the interdisciplinary field of arts and development, surveying a comprehensive range of art forms and development practices to explore the potential of the arts to strategically and beneficially contribute to more just and equitable conditions for communities across the globe.

Stretching across the arts from theater, dance, and music to poetry, film, and visual arts, the book covers topics as diverse as health, education, peacebuilding, livelihoods, sustainability, activism, and programming.

A native of Uganda, Kabanda is the author of The Creative Wealth of Nations (2018) and has consulted for the World Bank and the United Nations Development Programme. Through music, he helps people reconnect with their own rich cultural traditions and explore important social issues ranging from environmental challenges to poverty and human rights.

With master’s degrees from both Juilliard and the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, he was awarded the 2013 Presidential Award for Citizenship and Public Service from Tufts University.

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India and Southeast Asia: From “Look East” to “Act East”

November 22, 2024
By 21713

Close historical and cultural linkages between India and Southeast Asia have helped to build strong economic ties between the regions, which, argues Kamei Aphun (Jawaharlal Nehru University, 2004), can also lead to stronger security arrangements.

*     *     *

Sociologically, the term “culture” is used to differentiate groups of people based on their shared identity. Culture unites people and engenders a sense of togetherness. This does not mean, of course, that there is no interaction between cultural groups; like other entities, cultures may clash with one another or go through a process of bargaining and accommodation. Culture is a complex system that shapes and reshapes intergroup relations within societies.

India and Southeast Asia have a long history and tradition of cultural exchange through trade and commerce. According to Jayshree Sengupta, “Southeast Asia was particularly attractive to Indian mercantile class and they named the faraway lands Swarnabhumi or land of gold, Tokola or land of cardamoms or Narikeldeep, land of coconuts. They followed two routes—one through land via Bengal, Assam, Manipur and Burma to reach different parts of Southeast Asia. The other route was the maritime route from Coromandel coast or the coast of Bay of Bengal to Cape Comorin and via Malacca strait to reach the Malay Peninsula” (Sengupta 2017).

India and Southeast Asia also experienced colonization under such Western countries as Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Portugal in the nineteenth and twentieth century. Colonization involved economic exploitation and had a profound impact on the social, economic, cultural, and political development of the occupied regions.

Cultural Connections

Cultural ties between India and Southeast Asia are deep-rooted and diverse. The trade in goods led to the spread of religions like Hinduism and Buddhism from India to Southeast Asia, and languages like Sanskrit and Pali had a major impact on Southeast Asian languages. Similarly, Indian culture was influenced by Southeast Asia, as can be seen in Tamil culture, Indian cuisine, textiles, and music and dance. India’s Islamic architecture influenced Indonesian and Malaysian architecture, while Dravidian (South Indian) and Nagara (North Indian) architectural styles have influenced the design of temples in Southeast Asia.

Cultural commonalities are also found among the festivals of Rongali (Assam in Northeast India), Songkran of Thailand, Pi Mai in Laos, and Arunachal Pradesh’s Sangken, which are all celebrated around New Year’s.

 

The Anusawari Prachathipatai Democracy Monument in Bangkok, Thailand, incorporates design elements drawn from Hindu and Buddhist mythology.

India’s Look East Policy

Given the historical and cultural connection between India and Southeast Asia from ancient times to the post-independence period, India initiated a “Look East Policy” in 1991 as part of its foreign policy.

This policy was aimed at strengthening economic, strategic, and cultural ties with 23 countries in Southeast and East Asia, including Japan, South Korea, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and Bangladesh. Northeast India played an integral part in this policy due to its geographical proximity to Southeast Asia. The various projects undertaken under the policy included the establishment of border trades centers in Moreh (Manipur); the improvement of transport links (the Indo-Myanmar Friendship Road; the Trilateral Highway linking India, Myanmar, and Thailand; the India-Myanmar rail link from Manipur to Hanoi via Myanmar; the Trans-Asian Highway; the Trans Asian highway from Singapore to Istanbul passing through India; and the Trans Asian Railway from Delhi to Hanoi); the hosting of the India-ASEAN Car Rally in 2004 from Guwahati, India, to Batam, Indonesia; the construction of the 800-km-long Trans-National Gas Pipe Line between Myanmar, Bangladesh, and India; and the implementation of Quick Impact Projects to build infrastructure in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam.

India’s Act East Policy

The Look East Policy was given an upgrade and rechristened as the “Act East Policy” in 2014, with the government rejuvenating its initiatives to actualize the potential of the policy. The Act East Policy marked a shift in India’s perspective of the world, as New Delhi gave priority to building cooperative ties with the rapidly rising economies of Southeast Asia.

The Northeast region was identified as being vital to the success of the policy for several reasons. First, four Northeastern states—namely Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, and Mizoram—shared borders with the Southeast Asian country of Myanmar. Second, besides geographical proximity, many ethnic groups in the Northeast region shared much in terms of culture, history, and even language with Southeast Asian countries. And third, the persisting problems of insurgency and economic underdevelopment were thought more resolvable by building stable ties with neighboring countries. The Act East Policy held the promise of actualizing both the internal and external aspirations of India, but materializing this vision would require thorough research and the implementation of appropriate decisions and policies.

As for the policy’s impact, the reality on the ground is that the results have thus far been mixed. Strong claims have been made that the central government was motivated by a desire not to promote the development of the Northeast region but rather to eliminate insurgency forces by cooperating with Myanmar. In this regard, Baruah (2007) maintains that the problem of the Northeast “did not begin with the insurgencies and it will not end with them.” In addition, while interaction between Southeast Asia and India overall has been increasing, that between the Northeast and its immediate neighbors has been in decline. Again, Baruah (2007) emphasizes that the need to establish not only maritime but also continental trade links to strengthen India’s economy in the long run provides ample reasons for the government to bolster its policies.

Other impediments to the realization of the policy’s goals include the requirement for Indian citizens to obtain Inner Line Permits to travel to protected tribal areas in the Northeast. This overcomplicates the process of making visits to and investing in the region; the abolition of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which grants special powers to the Indian Armed Forces to maintain public order in “disturbed areas” of the Northeast, has also been increasingly looked upon as a necessary step for the Act East Policy and related policies to bear fruit in the region.

And most importantly, the underdevelopment of road, rail, and air transport infrastructure needs to be addressed to ensure connectivity between the constituent states and other regions. The Act East Policy holds the potential of transforming the Northeast from peripheral status deprived of benefits to a robust region of trade and tourism where South and Southeast Asia meet.

Conclusion

Strengthening cultural linkages between India and Southeast Asia is an ambitious project that presents formidable challenges but also promises many benefits, as it can promote economic development in a region having a shared future and destiny. India’s Look/Act East Policy seeks to improve economic, political, and cultural relations with Southeast Asia by drawing on aged-old historical connections. It will guide India’s efforts to propel the region on the road to development fueled by cultural affinity, and this should help strengthen India’s position through the utilization of culture as a soft power.

 

The author with Sylff Association Chair Yohei Sasakawa during the April 2011 Building a Better Asia Young Leaders Retreat (BABA*) in Nara, Japan.

*Sylff News about "BABA".

References

Baruah, Sanjib. 2007. “Beyond Durable Disorder: Northeast India and the Look East Policy.” In Sanjib Baruah, ed., Durable Disorder: Understanding the Politics of Northeast India (pp. 211–236). Oxford University Press.

Coedes, George. 1965. The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Haokip, Thongkholal. 2015. “India’s Look East Policy: Prospects and Challenges for Northeast India,” Studies in Indian Politics, Volume 3, Issue 2.

Keyes, Charles. 1994. The Golden Peninsula: Culture and Adaptation in Mainland Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Mabbett, Ian. 1977. “The ‘Indianization’ of Southeast Asia: Reflections on the Prehistorical Sources.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 8. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20070221.

McDaniel, Justin. 2008. “Pali.” New Mandala. Accessed December 20, 2023. https://www.newmandala.org/pali/.

Sarma, Atul. 2018. “Integrating Northeast with South East Asia: Great Expectations and Ground Realities.” In Atul Sarma & Saswati Choudhury, eds., Mainstreaming the Northeast in India’s Look and Act East Policy. Palgrave Macmillan.

Sengupta, Jayshree. 2017. “India’s Cultural and Civilisational Influence on Southeast Asia,” Observer Research Foundation.

Singh, Shreya. 2023. “Mapping India’s Historical Ties with Southeast Asia.” Indian Council of World Affairs.

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Interiors of Inequality: Ethnographic Exploration of Social Housing in Serbia

November 12, 2024
By 28933

Residents of Serbia’s social housing estates navigate a landscape marked by overcrowding, institutional abandonment, and a persistent threat of eviction. Fieldwork conducted using an SRG award by Sara Nikolić (University of Belgrade, 2020–21) reveals that contrary to stereotypes that label them as lazy or deceitful, these individuals are actively engaged in homemaking and yearn for improved conditions.

*     *     *

The narratives of abandonment and neglect articulated by the residents of social housing estates in Serbia come as no surprise when thinking of the welfare system in the country. In public discourse and the media, people dependent on welfare, especially those in Roma communities, tend to be portrayed as lazy, incompetent, fickle, and intrinsically prone to crime.

With the aim of countering such racist narratives, I have been conducting research into the nexus between social housing tenants and their living environments. Specifically, my research probes the concept of homemaking and its boundaries within the challenging context of poverty and extreme housing precarity.

Overturning Popular Stereotypes

What I gathered from social housing estate residents during my fieldwork challenged the popular notion of tenants as criminals who deceive and exploit the state and taxpayers and who base their claims on exaggerated or false claims. They frequently lamented what they legitimately perceived as an inadequate state presence, expressing the need for the state to provide more services and resources to the local community and their estate.

Moreover, the residents’ use of terms like “care” and “interest” suggested a deeper, more personal connection to their neighborhoods, implying that the estate was situated within the moral framework of the local community (Kocsh 2014).

The socialist system in Yugoslavia, which considered housing as social infrastructure, provided a relatively easy path to securing a roof over one’s head. This system was suspended in 1990, however, when constitutional changes abolished the obligation of employees to set aside a contribution for housing construction from their salaries.

This was followed by the “big bang” privatization of apartments. In just under five years, the housing market was completely transformed, with 98% of publicly owned apartments passing into the hands of private owners (Damjanović 2010). This speedy shift toward neoliberal housing policies also resulted in a steady withdrawal of state resources and services from social housing estates.

The estates where I conducted my fieldwork—a small community of twenty, mainly Roma households displaced from Kosovo and a large neighborhood of nearly a thousand households of economically and socially disadvantaged families, again mostly of Roma origin—are exemplary in this respect. Situated, respectively, in the outlying areas of a middle-sized town and the capital city, they were built in the 2000s to offer housing for seriously disadvantaged communities.

For over 10 years now, about half of the residents of both estates have been without electricity, and a large number of households are at constant risk of forced eviction. In addition to problems of unemployment, welfare dependence, and health problems related to poor housing conditions, these tenants must deal with a vast and inflexible bureaucratic machinery when reporting problems with their homes or the rental system.

In the following, I describe the findings of an ethnographic inquiry into the homemaking practices of these estates, conducted with the help of an SRG award.

In-Depth Interviews with Residents

This research project adopted the concept of unhomeliness to describe the state’s lack of care, as manifested directly and collectively within social housing estates (Miller 1988; 2001; Navaro-Yashin 2012).

Ethnographic fieldwork was conducted from May to September 2024, with data collection carried out by myself and two PhD students, Dušanka Milosavljević and Igor Išpanović. Since the research involved working with people, particularly marginalized communities, all activities were conducted in strict adherence to the Code of Ethics of the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of Belgrade.

Alongside records of interviews and home visits, the data collected included observations, sketches, photographs, and diary entries made during and immediately after visits to the settlements. A total of 20 in-depth, semi-structured interviews, each lasting approximately one hour, were conducted in the homes of social housing estate residents. The respondents, aged between 18 and 65, were primarily of Roma origin, with a few of Serbian and Wallachian descent. Recruitment followed a snowball sampling method, with local gatekeepers playing a key role in fostering trust and facilitating connections within the communities.

Of the 20 participants, 5 were men and 15 were women. This gender disparity is largely due to the timing of the field visits, which took place during the day when women and children were more likely to be at home, while men were often occupied with informal and precarious work, such as collecting secondary raw materials or working in construction.

All respondents provided informed consent for both audio recordings of the interviews and visual documentation of their living conditions, including sketches and photographs of their apartments. Consent covered the use of these materials for research and promotional purposes. In cases where respondents were not functionally literate, the researchers read the consent form aloud, and verbal consent was obtained.

Overcrowded Housing and Lack of Privacy

I’d rather live in a desert—at least there, no one is around.
—Man, Uzun Mirkova estate, Požarevac

The notion of what defines comfortable living differs widely. For many of my informants, who have experienced homelessness, the hardships of war, and inadequate collective emergency housing, conversations about housing often touched on issues like overcrowding, the need to share resources among family members, and distinctions between those who had benefited from welfare policies and those who had not.

Home comfort has both social and material dimensions (Johnson 2018). Socially, it involves expectations regarding living standards, as well as the economic, legal, family, and civic relationships that help maintain the resources needed to meet those expectations. On the material side, it includes the infrastructure—pipes, wiring, and other systems—that ensure the home remains warm, well-lit, and healthy. The apartments I visited during this research failed to meet such “comfort criteria.”

A family home in Uzun Mirkova estate, Požarevac, Serbia. May 2024. Photo by Sara Nikolić.

However, the greatest source of discomfort stemmed not from inadequate and health-threatening housing conditions but from the lack of privacy. When asked what they would prioritize if financial constraints were lifted, many respondents expressed a desire to “move out of here and have our own yard.” Such responses suggest a yearning for private space, rather than a fetishization of private property.

After fleeing Kosovo after the war, the residents of Uzun Mirkova lived in emergency shelters for the first 11 years. They then gained access to social housing, but they were assigned homes that lacked essential amenities and were overcrowded, with living space of only 35 to 50 square meters for each household averaging seven members.

The constant presence of other people has not engendered a sense of community. Extreme poverty has hindered the fulfillment of basic needs, resulting in a situation where individuals, particularly women, spend time together out of necessity rather than genuine social connection. Men, on the other hand, sought employment outside the estates, creating further separation. For those who have access to electricity, the preference is often to isolate themselves with the television set, disconnecting from the chaos that envelops them.

Threat of Eviction Induces “Anticipatory Uncanniness” 

No one comes to visit us. They come to evict us, to give us eviction notices, to mistreat and threaten us. . . . We have no rights here, as if we’re not Serbian citizens.
—Woman, Kamendin estate, Belgrade

Housing conditions were a source of frustration and complaint for everyone. Apartments were chronically overcrowded, electricity was cut over a decade ago, mold was difficult to eliminate due to widespread dampness, and the flats remained cold during winter. Despite these issues, the competent institutions appeared reluctant to invest in repairs or maintenance, let alone in constructing new homes. Moreover, they blamed the tenants themselves for the poor living conditions. In the Belgrade neighborhood of Kamendin, a campaign against “ungrateful” residents resulted in massive eviction orders.

In the Kamendin estate, gas is used for cooking, heating, and for threatening police and enforcement officers during forced eviction attempts. June 2024. Photo by Sara Nikolić.

In contrast to common eviction narratives (e.g., Desmond 2017; Sullivan 2017), the presence of legal coercion did not lead solely to feelings of worry or despair (though such emotions were expressed as well). My research revealed that, in addition to evoking fear, anxiety, tension, depression, shame, and grief (Dudley 2000; Han 2011), the threat of eviction also generated hope and a feeling of homeliness.

More precisely, the tenants I encountered responded to the potential coercion in varying ways, ranging from anger toward racialized welfare policies and optimism over the prospect of “moving out of here” to fear of facing the grim potential of once again losing their home. This anticipatory uncanniness (Davey 2019) demonstrates how the state, through its recourse to legitimate coercion and institutional racism, subtly influences the aspirations tenants develop in relation to their homes.

Conclusion

This ethnographic exploration of social housing conditions in Serbia sheds light on the complex and often overlooked experiences of residents, particularly those living in extreme housing precarity. The narratives gathered during my fieldwork challenge the stigmatizing portrayals of social housing beneficiaries as exploiters of welfare systems, revealing instead a population that deeply yearns for stability, care, and improved living conditions. Contrary to public perceptions, these individuals are not passive recipients of state aid but are actively engaged in homemaking under conditions of chronic neglect, overcrowding, and institutional abandonment.

The research also highlights the ways in which legal coercion and the ever-present threat of eviction shape the emotional landscape of social housing residents. The anticipatory uncanniness experienced by many residents underscores how the state’s subtle and overt forms of control impact not only their current living conditions but also their visions for the future.

In sum, this study offers a critical understanding of the relationship between the state, social housing, and its marginalized residents. It calls attention to the urgent need for rethinking housing policies in Serbia, where systemic neglect, bureaucratic hurdles, and inadequate resources continue to undermine the dignity and well-being of those most in need of secure and humane living environments. By focusing on the everyday struggles and aspirations of these communities, this research contributes to broader anthropological discussions on housing precarity, social justice, and the role of the state in shaping lives at the margins.

 

References

Damjanović, D. (2010). Socijalno stanovanje: Prikaz stambenih politika Srbije i odabranih zemalja Evrope. Beograd: Palgo centar. 

Davey, R. (2020). Snakes and ladders: Legal coercion, housing precarity, and home-making aspirations in southern England. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 26(1), 12–29. 

Desmond, M. (2017). Evicted: Poverty and profit in the American city. London: Penguin. 

Dudley, K. M. (2000). Debt and dispossession: Farm loss in America’s heartland. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 

Han, C. (2011). Symptoms of another life: Time, possibility, and domestic relations in Chile’s credit economy. Cultural Anthropology, 26(1), 7–32. 

Johnson, C. (2018). The moral economy of comfortable living: Negotiating individualism and collectivism through housing in Belgrade. Critique of Anthropology, 38(2), 156–171. 

Koch, I. (2014). Everyday experiences of state betrayal on an English council estate. Anthropology of This Century, 9.

Miller, D. (1988). Appropriating the state on the council estate. Man, 23(2), 353–372. 

Miller, D. (2001). Possessions. In D. Miller (ed.), Home possessions: Material culture behind closed doors, pp. 107–122. Oxford: Berg. 

Navaro-Yashin, Y. (2012). The make-believe space: Affective geography in a postwar polity. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press. 

Sullivan, E. (2017). Displaced in place: Manufactured housing, mass eviction, and the paradox of state intervention. American Sociological Review, 82(2), 243–269. 

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World War I Initiative to Advance France’s Diplomatic Interests through Music

November 1, 2024
By 29373

French musicians toured the United States during World War I as part of an effort to strengthen diplomatic ties through the universal language of art. This initiative, writes Gabriele Slizyte (Conservatoire de Paris, 2019), was led by the French government but was also aided by American philanthropists, helping lay the groundwork for ongoing cultural exchange between the nations.

*     *     *

During World War I, French musicians travelled to the United States under the auspices of the French government as representatives of their country to promote classical music. These “concert tours” were part of a detailed and well-organized government plan to persuade the United States to join the war as an ally. With these diplomatic and cultural initiatives, the French government was able to not only bolster its military position but also keep the “French spirit” intact. Following the war in 1922, the Association française d’action artistique (AFAA) was created by the Ministry of Fine Arts and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to maintain and develop these cultural actions through concert tours.

I am currently conducting research on the AFAA and French musicians in the United States as part of my PhD thesis. Because this topic involves a transatlantic relationship, I needed to visit both French and American archives to conduct an impartial analysis of this cultural and diplomatic initiative encompassing such various disciplines as music, history, sociology, and politics. With the help of an SRG award, I was able to conduct a three-part research project between April 1 and September 11, 2024.

Personal, Rather Than an Institutional, Approach

The first phase of this project was decrypting the daily work of the AFAA as an administrative agency. I wished to go beyond a surface understanding based essentially on an investigation of the institutional archives located near Paris. I thus conducted domestic fieldwork at the Institut Mémoires de l’édition contemporaine, situated in the Ardenne Abbey near Caen, France, to study the personal records of the AFAA’s founding director Robert Brussel (1874–1940). During a four-day archival residency, I became immersed in his correspondences with sponsored artists and also learned about his daily work routine as director through his drafts and written reports of the association’s activities. This personal approach led to a better understanding of the work-based relationship between AFAA staff, government workers, and artists.

The second phase was conducting international fieldwork, visiting notable archival collections of libraries,[1] universities, and symphonic orchestras in the Northeastern United States:

  • Philadelphia Orchestra Association records, Kislak Center for Special Collections, Rare Books and Manuscripts, University of Pennsylvania
    • Otto H. Kahn Papers; Manuscripts Division, Department of Special Collections, Princeton University Library
    • Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York
    • Boston Symphony Orchestra Archives, Boston
    • Yale University, Irving S. Gilmore Music Library, The Virgil Thomson Papers
    • New York University Archives, Records of Town Hall
    • New York Public Library, Manuscripts and Archives Division, James Hazen Hyde Papers
    • New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, Gabriel Astruc Papers

At the Rockefeller Archive Center in Sleepy Hollow, New York.

The data I collected included correspondences, oral histories, business and institutional documents, memorabilia, printed materials, photos, and personal files. In addition to using this information to ascertain the frequency of concerts featuring French musicians, their repertoire, and what they earned, I was also interested to learn how, once financed by the government, they assimilated themselves in a foreign country and became ambassadors of French culture. In this endeavor, the Boston Symphony Orchestra Archives was the most interesting source of information. Since the orchestra’s founding, many French musicians have joined its ranks with the help of the French government. Their oral archives and memorabilia gave me fuller insights into their American careers and helped me to better understand the implications of the AFAA.

Even though the methodology of this project was aimed at obtaining quantitative data of French artists’ performances and spatial data of their tour circuits in the United States, I realized that this would not be complete without a third component. While studying the archives of prominent American financial figures who supported the AFAA’s actions, such as the Rockefeller family, Otto H. Kahn, and James Hazen Hyde, I discovered that philanthropic work represented a key component of defending cosmopolitan ideals during times of conflict. In that regard, the AFAA was not alone in defending and promoting French culture; there was a group of important figures that included artists, sponsors, politicians, and many others.

Cosmopolitan Attempt at Universalizing the Arts

Before starting my project, I hoped to advance the hypothesis that the AFAA, through the dispatch of artists and musicians to the United States, enhanced Americans’ appreciation of French culture and improved France’s image after World War I and World War II. As a result of my international fieldwork, I came to realize that the creation of AFAA in 1922 was not the start of such an endeavor but the consequence and institutionalization of the work initiated by French and American figures prior to World War I. As such, the war represented not the beginning but an acceleration of the process of universalizing the arts. Rather than attempting to impose French culture on a different country as a form of nationalism, the AFAA was a cosmopolitan attempt to make it a universal language and a tool of communication.

Even though the primary focus of my research was on musicians, some of the consulted archives, such as the James Hazen Hyde Papers at the New York Public Library, pointed to the importance that theater and language can also play as vehicles of cultural dialogue. I hope to explore and analyze these documents in an upcoming article on the international tours of theater companies.

 

The New York Public Library.

During both my domestic and international fieldwork, I wished to go beyond an examination of the roles played by institutions. Thus it was crucial to gain a better understanding of the work of key figures in Franco-American relations. The philanthropic work of the Rockefellers, the participation in the Red Cross and collaboration with the Alliance Française by James Hazen Hyde, and the support extended to artists by Otto Kahn and Gabriel Astruc were given structure and augmented multifold by the creation of the AFAA.

The Sylff Research Grant has also enabled me to start a series of language translations of my work from French to English, which will allow me to communicate my findings to a broader audience.

The documents in the archives that I examined during this project testified to and reaffirmed the important role that artistic and cultural exchange played during wartime. Over the past century—and even now in our increasingly conflict-ridden world—musical, artistic, and cultural expressions can become powerful tools of personal identification and resistance, which are among the most significant and meaningful of human expressions.

I am very grateful to Mr. Yohei Sasakawa and all members of the Sylff Association secretariat for the Sylff fellowship and the SRG award. With your help since 2019 and later during the COVID lockdown, I was able to finish my studies at the Conservatoire national supérieur de musique et de danse de Paris and to start my PhD degree at the École des hautes études en sciences sociales. Your support and encouragement have allowed me to pursue my academic project. Thank you for letting me be a part of the Sylff community.

[1] As part of the project, I intended to visit the Patricia D. Klingenstein Library of the New-York Historical Society, but it was temporarily closed to researchers while it was preparing for the groundbreaking and construction of its new wing. However, I was able to obtain a limited number of reference scans from the James Hazen Hyde Papers.

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The Age of Uncertainty and Nuclear Proliferation

October 24, 2024
By 32081

In an article that was originally published in Turkish in Gazete Duvar, Mühdan Sağlam (Ankara University, 2015–16) discusses the dysfunction of the liberal global system, citing the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to Nihon Hidankyo to highlight heightening nuclear proliferation risks and the need for disarmament.

*     *     *

The deadlock in the liberal global system has of late become clear for anyone to see. The system has long been marked by imbalances, double standards, and the disproportionate decision-making clout of the Security Council’s five veto-wielding countries. In fact, these inequalities have been pointed out since the United Nations was founded in 1945, as suggested in the speech by its second Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld that the “UN was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell.”

Although international relations experts point to different dates and events as to when the system reached a standstill, almost all agree that it has now become dysfunctional. There is no telling what a new replacement system would look like, but there are expectations.

Some experts posit the possibility of a new bipolar order, while others caution against the potential for Chinese hegemony. There are also those suggesting that we may enter an “age of disorder” and that we need to take a broader look at history.

The current uncertainty and lack of direction serve to highlight the significant risk of a major conflict. One fundamental question that must be addressed is whether war will accompany the transition to a new order (or disorder). Providing a definitive answer at this time would be difficult, but we can nonetheless examine the pertinent issues, particularly the possibility of the use of nuclear weapons. The focus of my article will be on nuclear armament and its potential for creating a state of perpetual conflict.

“Now I Am Become Death, the Destroyer of Worlds”

Toward the conclusion of World War II, a considerable number of experts hypothesized that the atomic bombing of a nation that was already prepared to capitulate altered the trajectory of global history, if not the war itself. The bomb was developed as part of the US Manhattan Project and dropped first on Hiroshima and then Nagasaki, causing unprecedented suffering to the civilian population and destruction of infrastructure.

The world gained its first glimpse of the concept of nuclear weapons through this devastating and inhumane attack. Indeed, in response to the devastation he had unleashed, the head of the Manhattan Project, J. Robert Oppenheimer, stated in an interview in the 1960s that he recalled a line from the Bhagavad Gita: “Now I am become death, the destroyer of worlds.” The contradictions, dilemmas, and remorse felt by the physicist are portrayed in Christopher Nolan’s award-winning 2023 biopic. Nolan did not include images of the people who died in Japan; instead, he allowed their screams to resonate. Those screams have done little, however, to prevent the world from moving ahead with nuclear armament.

The Nobel Peace Prize in 2024 was bestowed upon the Japanese organization Nihon Hidankyo in recognition of its contributions to the global effort toward nuclear disarmament. The official announcement of the Norwegian Nobel Committee states, “This grassroots movement of atomic bombing survivors from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, also known as Hibakusha, is receiving the Peace Prize for its efforts to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons and demonstrating through witness testimony that nuclear weapons must never be used again.”

Members of Nihon Hidankyo, a grassroots Japanese organization of atomic bomb survivors from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, hold a press conference after winning the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize. ©Tomohiro Ohsumi / Getty Images

The organization states on its website, “We hibakusha have been describing the realities of the damage of the atomic bombing and appealing on our suffering, because we want that no one else should ever suffer the hell we have experienced.” Following the award, the co-chair of the group has drawn parallels between the experiences of hibakusha 80 years ago and people in Gaza today. “Children are being covered in blood and living every day without food.”

This serves to remind us of the gravity of the current situation and the necessity of pursuing a path to peace and disarmament. The formation of a mushroom cloud and the subsequent blinding ball of flames are not prerequisites for creating hell on earth. In the period since 1945, what actions have been taken on the global stage to prevent human suffering?

As Nihon Hidankyo maintains its stance against nuclear weapons, it appears that for some, anti-nuclearism has become a mere rhetorical device employed in ostentatiously decorated halls of power. Let us now examine the sequence of events and the current situation.

Embracing the Bomb to Win the Arms Race

The global landscape during the Cold War was characterized by the coexistence of two distinct centers of economic and political influence: the USSR and the Eastern bloc on one side, and the US and the Western camp on the other. Common to both systems, however, was that they were engaged in the arms race, which meant that the path to being first required a focus on developing and utilizing weapons of mass destruction.

In 1945, the United States dropped two atomic bombs on Japan, which the Soviet Union interpreted as a message directed at itself. In response, the Soviet Union accelerated the development of nuclear weapons. When the USSR successfully tested its first atomic bomb in 1949, the United States, which had been developing nuclear weapons since the 1930s, was still in the lead. Two years later, the United States proceeded to test a hydrogen bomb.

In 1953, the USSR, too, conducted a nuclear test involving a hydrogen bomb. And the 1957 launch of the Soviet Union’s artificial satellite, Sputnik, into space had a profound impact on the global landscape, intensifying the already palpable sense of dread surrounding an impending nuclear conflict and the underlying geopolitical tensions.

The launch of Sputnik conveyed a clear message: If one possessed the capability to launch an artificial satellite into space, it would be possible to attach a nuclear warhead to the satellite’s head, transform it into a missile, and subsequently target US territory. One of the world’s superpowers was now confronted with the imminent threat of a potential nuclear attack.

In response to the perceived threat of imminent nuclear attack, the United States increased its nuclear weapons arsenal. This process resulted in a significant strategic transformation within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which had been established by the United States. The deployment of “medium-range guided missiles” on the territories of allied nations in close proximity to the Soviet Union was initiated. The world was gradually becoming an unparalleled arsenal.

Disarmament Treaties: Short-Lived Period of Prudence

The concept of the “balance of terror,” which was used to describe the arms race during the Cold War, is no longer a suitable description, as it does not reflect the rational limits of the situation. Instead, it better describes the intense emotions that are generated by this race. The 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis served as a stark reminder to both parties that they were on the verge of a catastrophic outcome. After this crisis, the United States and the Soviet Union entered into the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), which resulted in the signing of the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I and SALT II) and the subsequent Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). These treaties sought to limit the deployment of ballistic nuclear missiles. This was followed by the signing of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM) in 1972. Notwithstanding these agreements, the budgets allocated by both parties for armaments continued to rise.

The nuclear threat, which reached its peak during the Ronald Reagan administration, entered a new phase with the USSR’s economic and social exhaustion. Mikhail Gorbachev’s “new thinking” (novoye myshleniye) policy facilitated the resumption of nuclear disarmament negotiations in 1985. Following negotiations between Reagan and Gorbachev, the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty was concluded in 1987, resulting in the destruction of approximately 2,700 missiles. This collaborative approach to nuclear disarmament was further extended to encompass restrictions on conventional weapons in Europe. However, this period of reason and prudence was not to last long.

Appealing for an End to the Cycle of Violence

Some of the agreements concluded were subsequently nullified as a result of changes in circumstances. These actions were taken with a degree of audacity that demonstrates a lack of awareness of historical precedent. This approach showed a disregard for the concept of historical continuity, as encapsulated in the phrase was prevalent in the early 2000s, “Yesterday was yesterday, and today is today.”

In 2019, the United States withdrew from the INF Treaty. In the context of the war in Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the suspension of START, which had been extended for five years in 2021. He stated, “Today I have to announce that Russia is suspending the START treaty,” adding, “Of course, we won’t be the first, but if the United States conducts nuclear tests, so will we.”

While tensions escalated between the United States and Russia, the rest of the world remained in a state of vigilance, anticipating potential outcomes and seeking to ensure a well-prepared response. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)’s 2024 yearbook, Armaments, Disarmament and International Security, indicates that as of January 2024, nine states, namely, the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, China, India, Pakistan, North Korea, and Israel, possessed a total of 12,121 nuclear weapons, of which 9,585 were operational. Approximately 4,000 of these were deployed and under the control of operational forces.

The aggregate data suggests a decline in the number of nuclear warheads, but this is merely a consequence of the dismantlement of retired warheads by Russia and the United States. By contrast, numerous states with relatively modest nuclear arsenals, including China and the United Kingdom, are either augmenting or intending to expand their nuclear capabilities.

In the United States, several polls conducted in the weeks preceding the presidential election indicate that the two candidates are in a statistical tie. It is unfortunate that we are not yet in a position to determine the extent to which the situation could potentially be worse than the damage caused by the Joe Biden administration.

We are at a critical juncture where all the available options seem unsatisfactory. And it would be untenable to frame the least unfavorable outcome as being the optimal one. The global system is currently at a standstill, the world has become a veritable arsenal, and the future is fraught with potential for further conflict. In the light of these circumstances, Nihon Hidankyo and the civilians who have suffered as a result of the ongoing war and terrorist attacks in the Middle East are once again appealing to humanity to put an end to this senseless cycle of violence.