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On Groundedness, Preparedness, and Transitions

June 8, 2011
By 19658

Japan resident and writer on ecological lifestyles reflects on the implications of the March 11 earthquake and tsunami and offers food for thought on how, as Sylff fellows, the disaster should be interpreted.

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I have three reflections about the March 11 calamity that hit the Tohoku region. The first is that earthquakes and tsunamis are disasters like no other.

How does one describe the unnerving sensation of an earthquake? My husband was with the Navy, and he would be out in the open sea for weeks at a time. At some point, he says, it becomes possible to get used to the incessant rocking of the ship. This motion can increase due to stormy weather, of course, but you can always look forward to the steadiness of walking on land once you disembark.

This reminded me of going on an amusement park ride—a Ferris wheel, perhaps, or a roller coaster. The fun lasts for a few minutes, after which I could always look forward to steadying myself back on solid ground. This comparison may not be appropriate, but it did get me thinking of the many ways in which we anchor the activities of our lives on the immovable nature of land. It makes perfect sense that dry land in Latin is called terra firma.

Imagine, then, the psychological impact of solid ground trembling and quivering beneath our feet and sending our belongings flying. Imagine when our homes, our secure refuge, threaten to collapse. In another article, I reflected on how the earthquake “literally shook the foundation of our lives.” An earthquake is a natural hazard like no other. We do not know when it will strike, how long it will last, whether the rocking will be from side to side or up and down, how strong it will be, or how many aftershocks there will be.

As if earthquakes were not terrifying enough by themselves, they trigger tsunamis that can wipe out everything in their path and alter the landscape. Stripping us of our possessions and decimating everything we’ve known, tsunamis expose our human frailty. When we see photos of people in the afflicted areas scouring the rubble, we grieve for their loss and realize with sadness how small we are in the face of the great forces of nature.

My second reflection is that our best defenses for earthquakes and tsunamis are preparation and prevention.

Immediately after 3/11, my husband (Charles E. McJilton, executive director of Second Harvest Japan, a “food bank” that collects food that would otherwise go to waste and distributes them to people in need) drove up to Sendai. He was so surprised to see that practically all the buildings were still standing. In the following weeks, as he drove to different areas in the Tohoku region to distribute food and supplies, the destruction he saw was largely from the tsunami and not the earthquake. This is truly a testament to the efforts of the Japanese people to construct earthquake-resistant buildings, particularly in the light of lessons learned from the Kobe quake.

But even more important than superior seismic engineering is the strict enforcement of building codes and general intolerance for corruption. People like Hidetsugu Aneha, the Tokyo architect who cut corners—and costs—by falsifying earthquake-resistance data, are roundly condemned for putting the public’s safety at risk. Constructing earthquake-proof buildings is something that cannot be compromised, because an earthquake will eventually expose shoddy structures, such as was the case in earthquakes in Haiti, L’Aquila, Italy, and Sichuan, China. I shudder to think how my own country, the Philippines, would fare in the event of a big earthquake, given the widespread corruption and bribery in the construction industry.

Japan’s coastline is dotted with tsunami warning signs, seawalls, and well-marked escape routes. The country has invested in a sophisticated monitoring and early-warning system. We saw this system at work when mobile phones would beep and warnings would flash on TV a few seconds before the tremors were actually felt. People have made disaster preparedness a way of life, keeping bottles of fresh water and emergency rations on hand and knowing how to react and where to evacuate in case of a major disaster.

Despite this, the death toll from 3/11 has been tremendous. The loss of life and property needs to be put in perspective, though, given the sheer magnitude of the earthquake (the most powerful to ever hit Japan) and the strength of the ensuing tsunami. One can only imagine how much longer the list of casualties would have been had Japan not pushed for preparation and prevention.

My third reflection is that there is a renewed sense of purpose throughout the nation.

There is definitely something different in the air these days. Before the earthquake and tsunami, Japan seemed to be languishing—politically, economically, and socially—for decades, and getting out of this rut had appeared almost impossible. It took an earthquake and a tsunami of unimaginable scale to literally shake Japan out of its lassitude. Suddenly, everything came to a halt, and it was impossible to continue with business as usual, as trains came to a halt, rolling blackouts were implemented, and highways were closed to traffic. It was a time for critical decisions.

It is hard to describe how it felt to know that many of my foreign friends have decided to leave Japan. My husband and I discussed the situation. In the midst of all the fear and uncertainty, it was as if we were given new eyes—we saw so clearly what we love about Japan and its people. Through the lens of the tragedy, we saw so much beauty in the country’s human and vulnerable side. Especially for my husband, who has lived here for over 20 years, it only served to strengthen his commitment to be of service to the country and the people.

It was not surprising to see a collective outpouring of similar sentiments, such as in “Embrace Transition,” an online community on Facebook. Founder Jacinta Hin writes:

Something fundamental has changed. I am not alone in this. All around me people tell me they feel different. Japan and its inhabitants have been swept into a state of transition. The pre-3/11 chapter is closed and we are moving into a new one where we have yet to arrive . . . By nature, transitions are chaotic, confusing, and challenging, as they throw us into the unknown and force us to make new choices. They tell us that old paradigms no longer work and that we must come up with new ones. They wake us up and summon us to look at ourselves with critical eyes, to explore who we are and how we want to live.

The widespread destruction has given Japan the chance not only to simply rebuild but to do things differently. Perhaps there will be a shift from high-risk nuclear energy to renewable sources of energy. Perhaps the urban-centered development will spread more to the neglected and elderly-populated countryside. With the revitalization of volunteerism among the youth of this country, perhaps their engagement and energy will fuel this transition. Whatever the changes ahead, these are definitely exciting times, and we are fortunate to be a part of it.

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From Temporary Residents to Immigrants: Some Issues concerning Brazilians in Japan

February 8, 2011
By 19671

Early years of Japanese immigration to Brazil

The history of Japanese immigration to Brazil dates from 1908, when the first steamship arrived in Santos carrying the first immigrants to an unknown tropical land located on the other side of the globe. At that time, there was a shortage of labour force in coffee plantations in Brazil, and Japan decided to establish an emigration policy to cope with an increasing population and lack of natural resources that could feed their citizens.

Also, the limitation imposed by an amendment to the immigration law in the United States caused the impossibility of Japanese people to immigrate to that country, inciting the search for other places in the world where Japanese could temporarily work and return with enough savings to secure a better life.

These factors contributed to the immigration flow to the American continent, specifically to countries such as Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, Argentina and Brazil. However, life outside Japan was extremely arduous, due to somewhat precarious work conditions in the beginning of the last century, foreign language, different food and habits, among others.

Even though Japanese people had emigrated temporarily, debts related to the long journey from Japan to South America, as well as living expenses, made it hard for them to save enough to return to their original country. Also, the World War II and consequently Japan’s defeat were critical factors that made them settle and change their status from temporary to permanent residents.

One hundred years had passed and in the verge of celebrating this occasion, around the 1990s, the situation was reversed and Japanese descendants from South America started taking the opposite route to work temporarily in Japan, one of the greatest economies in the world, at that time suffering labour shortage and offering better conditions and salaries, and therefore, perspectives of life.

Japanese descendants return to Japan

In 1990, Japan enforced an amendment to the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act to include a long-term resident visa for Japanese descendants who wished to come to Japan to visit relatives and spend time in their country of ethnical origin.

The long-term visa opened a possibility for Japanese descendants to engage in any type of activity, including non-skilled jobs, since there was no restriction in terms of what kind of activities they could pursue during their stay in Japan.

At that time, there was a shortage of labour force in some industrial sectors and even though the preference for hiring same ethnic people was never openly discussed in public, there was a trend to accept Japanese descendants who would adapt and interact more easily with other Japanese colleagues.

Combining the need of labour force in Japan and economic crisis in Brazil and the possibility of long-term visas to stay in Japan, a large number of Japanese descendants decided to try their luck in the land of their ancestors. At the peak of this diaspora, in 2007, the Japanese Ministry of Justice registered 316,967 Brazilian residents (included in this figure are Japanese-Brazilians, non-descendant spouses and children until the third and fourth generations).

With the recent economic crisis that affected many countries worldwide, causing huge cuts in expenditure and thus unemployment, and also the release of funds from the Japanese government to support the return of migrant workers who did not have the means to purchase a return air ticket, the number of Brazilians residing in the country dropped to 267,456, according to the latest available statistic from the Japanese Ministry of Justice (December 2009).

Being the third largest group of foreigners, most of them unable to speak the language and having different habits and perspectives of life and culture, it was inevitable that problems would occur.

It is worth mentioning that the first two groups of foreigners living in Japan are of Chinese and Koreans, respectively, most of them already integrated in Japanese society, due to the easiness of learning and communicating in Japanese in the case of Chinese and of being born and raised in Japan, the case for many Koreans. Therefore, cultural shocks, language problems and others are less visible within these groups.

In the beginning of this migration wave, like the Japanese who went to Brazil in the last century, Japanese-Brazilians planned to spend a couple of years in Japan, save enough money to go back and open small businesses, buy real estate, finance their children or their own studies and so on.

Both strategies and goals were quite immediate and the plan was to return to Brazil as soon as possible. However, the lack of experience as business managers resulting in failure of entrepreneurship attempts, or lack of knowledge as to where to invest and other unexpected factors contributed to make Japanese-Brazilians to either return to Japan or extend their stay.

Settling trends: from temporary residents to immigrants

After some years, the pattern of men and women migrating by themselves, leaving their families behind, changed to include spouses and children. Soon later, issues regarding Brazilian children education, bullying stories, adaptation problems and others started to circulate and even though these are far from being completely solved, certain stability was achieved.

Asked whether their stay was still temporary after long years in Japan, Brazilians were categorical to reply that they would return to Brazil. However, as their children started attending Japanese schools, some following until university, opened small businesses directed to the Brazilian community, to mention few developments, the will to return started fading and the discourse changed to include plans to go back to Brazil after retirement.

Some signs of this trend to stay can be seen in the increase of permanent visa and naturalization requests, as well as long-term loans to buy real estate. Because of these, scholars and media have been referring to this group of people not anymore as dekasegi, which originally alludes to people who leave their home temporarily to work somewhere else, but as immigrants.

This shift in the provisional status of temporary workers to immigrants needs to be accompanied by new analysis and possible change of policy towards this group of foreigners.

Long-term vision and strategies are necessary to address current but future problems as well. In this sense, the signature of the first bilateral agreement Japan signed with an emerging country on social security issues demonstrates that there is a concern that involves problematic issues with future impact. Through this agreement, Brazilian and Japanese workers alike may contribute to the social security in the country they are currently residing and later count the years of contribution in order to obtain pension and other benefits.

On the other hand, the Japanese government has also been intensifying the assistance to foreign workers through its Public Employment Security Offices and Hello Work agencies, by posting announcements for jobs, one of their primary roles, but also offering language courses and training programmes, in an attempt to facilitate employment.

Despite of the economic crisis, these measures that aim to absorb this workforce are extremely important, considering that Japan’s population growth rate is already negative and it is predicted that it is one of the countries that will face severe shortage of labour force in the near future.

Some legal problems and possible solutions

Although some issues are being taken care of, there are other matters that urgently need attention and that will most certainly have repercussions for the future. One of them is the judicial cooperation between the two countries in civil and criminal matters, an issue that has been in the negotiation agenda for quite some time.

It is worth emphasising that the two areas are equally important, because although criminal matters receive a lot of media attention, particularly in Japan, related issues in both areas affect real people, children and families in Japan and in Brazil.

During the past years, victims’ families of the crimes committed by Brazilians have been exerting pressure on the Japanese government to negotiate an extradition agreement with Brazil. This is due to the elusion of criminal offenders to that country, where, like others including Japan, extradition of nationals is prohibited, unless special circumstances occur (in the case of Brazil, if the crime was committed before naturalization; and in the case of Japan, if there is an extradition agreement that establishes otherwise).

The only possibility thus left to take offenders to trial is making a formal request to the Brazilian government to prosecute them in Brazil by providing evidence and all other necessary materials.

Notwithstanding the inexistence of a specific criminal cooperation agreement, Brazilian authorities have been cooperating with Japanese authorities so far, but differences in both countries’ legislations and penalties are causing some distress. For example, death caused by traffic accident in Japan is punished with prison that may range from 7 to 20 years depending on aggravating circumstances, while in Brazil, if it is an involuntary homicide, the penalty can vary between 2 to 4 years, but if there is aggravating circumstances, it can be increased up until 6 years, together with the suspension or prohibition of obtaining a driver’s license. For Japanese people it is inconceivable that Brazilian law seems to be lenient in these cases. However, unlike in Japan, where there are special facilities for those who committed this type of crime, in Brazil there is nothing similar.

The way in which a society defines and punishes crimes may differ considerably according to their own interpretation and perspectives of life, culture, values that should be protected or discouraged and so on. However, albeit crimes classification and penalties might be different, it should not be an obstacle for both countries to find a way to cooperate with each other and pursue the task of punishing crimes.

A clear need of an agreement that addresses judicial cooperation is apparent, not only to speed up the process, in some cases delayed due to the lack of knowledge concerning the appropriate procedures, but most importantly to shape the cooperation according to specific requirements, in suitable and acceptable ways for both Brazil and Japan.

Regarding cooperation in civil matters, there is a simple agreement based on an exchange of notes in 1940. At that time, there were many Japanese residing in Brazil due to the immigration flow that started in 1908 and evidently, there was a need of a cooperation agreement that could assist Japanese authorities to reach their citizens in Brazil, mostly in case of inheritances at that time.

More than half a century later, a large number of Brazilians is now residing in Japan and the same problem surfaces. The bilateral agreement of 1940 does not address anymore all the issues concerning civil cooperation, although the current exchanges are being based on that document. Procedural and substantial differences in both countries’ legislations cause some frictions that could be mitigated with a deep understanding of social, cultural, historical and institutional legacies.

Notwithstanding, ongoing negotiations have been occurring for some years and certainly there are many aspects that are yet to be distilled, but as mentioned, government officials must keep a clear focus and objective in their minds: legal issues have a major impact in someone’s life and one that may affect an entire existence, change people’s and especially children’s future.

In the case of civil cooperation, spouses and children who live either in Japan or in Brazil are in need of alimony for survival, former spouses are trying to obtain divorce in order to marry again, sometimes with a new partner with whom they already live a de facto family situation, and many others.

Therefore, a concrete effort towards overcoming differences and pre-conceived notions shall be made to positively influence the settlement of these legal issues, a matter of concern for both governments, but of extreme importance for their citizens.

Aurea Tanaka in front of the former Kobe Emigration Center, where Japanese who were about to emigrate to Brazil spent a couple of days before boarding in early 1900s.

Aurea Tanaka in front of the former Kobe Emigration Center, where Japanese who were about to emigrate to Brazil spent a couple of days before boarding in early 1900s.

It is a matter of creating priorities and making difficult choices as regards what rights to protect. If the fear is a transformation of legal consciousness and eventual social unrest, the solution is not to leave these matters unresolved but be proactive and anticipate the establishment of rules that will address the problems in a systematic and comprehensive way, nurturing a legal stability that will only benefit all parties involved. In this sense, it is important to offer a clear sign that both governments are concerned and upholding their citizens’ interests by taking the necessary measures to tackle problems that affect their lives.

If the temporary migrants of the past are becoming the immigrants of the future, it is also time to replace the short-term vision when thinking about immediate problems and searching for solutions, look into the future and the challenging achievements that still need to be pursued.

The history of the Japanese immigration to Brazil has completed 100 years in 2008. During the celebrations, it was mentioned that the most important aspect of both countries’ relations was the human bond that brought Japanese to Brazil and Brazilians to Japan. It is unrealistic and unlikely that this tie will break during the next 100 years and that shall gives us all one more stimulus to continue collaborating and joining efforts in accommodating both countries’ specific features and interests when looking for common problem’s solutions.

The opinions expressed in the articles are those of the respective authors and do not necessary represent the views of the Tokyo Foundation.

Aurea Christine Tanaka

Aurea Christine Tanaka was a Sylff Fellow in 2004 while finishing her Ph.D. dissertation submitted to the Department of International Law of the Faculty of Law of the University of São Paulo, Brazil. For her Ph.D. she addressed issues related to International Family Law, focusing on divorce cases involving Brazilians living in Japan. Attorney-at-law, she has advised Brazilian and Japanese in legal problems involving both countries’ legal systems and since 2008 has been working for the Education for Sustainable Development Programme at the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies. She is currently interested in research involving the correlation between law and development, especially the impact and influence of legal instruments in changing behaviour and guiding sustainable practices, as well as partnerships in education for sustainable development. E-mail: tanaka[at]ias.unu.edu. The author would like to express her gratitude to Professor Masato Ninomiya of the University of São Paulo and Mr. Isamu Maruyama from the Tokyo Foundation, for their valuable comments.

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Tradition in the Present: Amazonian Oral History at Schools

December 7, 2010
By 19652

Many Amazonian Indians dream about better possibilities for participating in school education. They want to fortify their own languages and traditions at school, but also wish to learn new skills and knowledge, to which access is still limited to the dominant society.

Participants in the workshop with the representative of the local Secretariat of Education and the Brazilian co-partner

Participants in the workshop with the representative of the local Secretariat of Education and the Brazilian co-partner

This social action project had the aim to give new tools to a Brazilian Amazonian indigenous people, the Manchineri, for the creation of a publication for their schools in their own language and in Portuguese. Sylff Leadership Initiatives assisted in the accomplishment of this objective, as it offered the Manchineri community the possibility to organize a workshop in order to prepare this publication, provided the participants of the meeting with full boarding, transportation, technology to record and edit the mythic narrations, and also covered the publication costs of the edited material. The final publication was on the history and myths of the Manchineri people. Continue reading

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Colors of the Filipino Christmas -An Art Competition

July 15, 2010
By 19658

On November 22, 2006, SYLFF at ADMU (Association of SYLFF Fellows at the Ateneo de Manila University) fellows sponsored an art competition at the Pinyahan Elementary School in Quezon City. Forty public school students from grades 4 to 6 participated in the competition with the theme of ‘Paskong Pinoy’ (A Filipino Christmas).

What makes the Filipino style of Christmas so special? We have a notoriously long celebration beginning in September (the only logic being that September is the first of the months that end in ‘ber’!), when radio stations already start to play Christmas songs, the shops put their Christmas decorations up, and the Christmas countdown begins! But surely, there must be more to the Filipino Christmas than just this prolonged excitement. With anthropological curiosity, we at SYLFF at ADMU set out to capture the spirit of the Filipino Christmas as children see it, through art.

 

Life in Filipino Public Schools

We wanted to hold an on-the-spot art competition for public school children on the theme of “Paskong Pinoy” (A Filipino Christmas). The state of public school education in the Philippines is poor – education is allotted an exceedingly small portion of the national budget. The result is a lack of classrooms, chairs and tables (with some schools holding classes on staircases and outside under mango trees), the classrooms that are available are often in rundown condition, and the salaries of the overworked teachers are inadequate. To maximize the resources a school has, they usually group classes together to accommodate more students; with the morning set of students starting classes as early as 5:45 a.m. and the second set of students starting from 12 noon.

Many of our society’s underprivileged children study in such public schools and we wanted to give them a unique opportunity to let their talents shine. And so, on a bright Wednesday morning (November 22nd, 2006), members of SYLFF at ADMU visited Pinyahan Elementary School with art materials. The choice of public school for this activity was not accidental. SYLFF at ADMU’s Karen Lacson is a proud graduate of Pinyahan. Going back to the school where she spent her happy elementary years lent a richer meaning to the phrase “giving back.” We witnessed an emotional reunion between Karen and her former teachers, who were excited to see her again after many years. It was also an inspiring moment for the students of Pinyahan to see a very successful alumna.

 

Creating Masterpieces

For the next two hours, forty of Pinyahan’s students from grades 4 to 6 diligently worked on their masterpieces. We were amazed with their work. These students are indeed very talented. SYLFF at ADMU’s members had a difficult time judging and deciding the winners. Several themes emerged from their drawings. The Filipino Christmas is about reunion with family and friends and so most of the drawings featured gatherings of people. Singing and going to church are also at the heart of the celebration. GJ Ouano, also a SYLFF fellow, shared how she was moved by one particular drawing that featured people gathered around two pieces of fish. We usually have rich foods during Christmas but for these children; having a simple meal does not diminish the joy and the color of the season.

I was struck by another drawing which featured a large orange house. Inside the house is a lone woman standing between a Christmas tree and a table laden with food. The solitude reaches out to you from the drawing and tugs at your heart. The work was entitled “Pasko Na, Sana’y Kapiling Ka” (It’s Christmastime, Wishing we’re Together). This work captured the harsh reality of labor migration in the Philippines. Many Filipino families are separated as one or both parents go abroad to earn a living. The pain of separation cannot be assuaged by the size of the house or the amount of food on the table. I was amazed by the perceptiveness of these young students.

On December 4th, 2006, we had a simple award ceremony, where we gave cash prizes to the winners. It was a one-of-a-kind early Christmas celebration for SYLFF at ADMU fellows and for the students of Pinyahan. The art works offered a visual impression of the Filipino spirit of Christmas – a true feast for the eyes!

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A Marriage of Convenience: Filipina Domestic Workers and the Singaporean State

September 1, 2009
By 20886

Last month I flew to South Korea to participate as a paper presenter and panel chair in the World Civic Youth Forum (WCYF) 2009. The WCYF is a programme of the World Civic Forum 2009, organised by Kyung Hee University in cooperation with the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. This year the conference was held at the Global Campus of Kyung Hee University from 5-8 May.

WCYF provided an excellent forum for me to present a paper I have prepared for my Masters degree in Gender and Development at the Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex. My paper considers the case of Filipina migrant domestic workers in Singapore.

I became interested in the subject of women's migration for domestic work long before studying for my Masters degree. I was particularly interested in women's experiences of long distance migration and their treatment in the destination country. I have visited Singapore a number of times to visit family there, and observing the 'maid culture' during my visits has made me keen to research this topic to satisfy my own curiosity.

The subject of domestic workers is a 'hot topic' in many prosperous Asian countries. In Singapore, it is estimated that one in seven households employs a live-in domestic worker, representing a demand for maids which has increased in Singapore since the late 1970s. There are around 150,000 female domestic workers in Singapore, around 63,000 of which are Filipino nationals; however this does not include the large numbers of undocumented workers.

The trend of female labour migration from the Philippines takes place against a backdrop of a changing Asia, a region which is undergoing considerable transformation. Singapore, a small city-state with a population of around 4.84 million, represents an important hub within this region, acting (alongside Hong Kong) as a leader in the economic markets and the global knowledge economy. The country has seen considerable social, political and economic change since the 1960s under the leadership of the People's Action Party, which has been in power since Singapore's achievement of self-government in 1959. Processes of rapid urbanisation, and a shift from light manufacturing to high technology industries, have meant profound changes for most Singaporeans.

With the rapid entry of women into paid employment, demand for domestic help has been significant and sustained, and has ensured the survival of 'dual career partnerships'. The unwillingness of local women to undertake paid domestic work has also contributed to the steady flow of migrant labour entering Singapore. Gendered divisions of labour have not significantly altered with the increase of women in paid work, resulting in middle class women juggling a 'double day' of both productive and reproductive labour.

The failure of the state and the private sector to provide adequate child and elder care has meant that large numbers of working women have sought live-in maids to provide a substitute caregiver for their children or elderly relatives. This demand for reproductive labour results in the 'commoditisation of caring', and more specifically, a commoditisation of motherhood. Both kin work and domestic duties are transferred to the market to deal with this 'crisis of care'. Accompanying the increase of women in professional employment during the 1990s were a number of demographic changes including declining birth rates, later marriages and increased life expectancies. These changes have caused considerable anxiety to the Singapore government.

The demand for domestic workers has been met by the state through open door immigration policies for domestic migrant workers; however, in recent years there has been reluctance on the part of the government to encourage dependence on foreign workers. This ambiguity around the role of domestic workers is reflected in contradictory policy. The government has introduced a number of measures to regulate the inflow of migrant workers, in an attempt to curb dependency on maids by those who do not really 'need' them, namely non-professional, less educated women who the state would prefer to be in engaged in waged employment rather than childbearing. Regulatory measures in Singapore include restrictions on number of maids per household, short term work permits for domestic workers, and extra costs payable to the government by employers.

Government discourse has represented the 'invasion' of other cultures and races as a threat to economic success and state authority, with the Philippines in particular being represented in a negative light. Foreign workers in Singapore in some ways embody the possibility of this invasion of difference. In this sense, state-constructed hegemonic forms of masculinity are associated with hegemonic forms of racism, enacted by feminising and pacifying those dominated.

The consequences of this internalised orientalism for female migrant workers are significant. Female foreign workers in particular are seen as a threat to national security by virtue of their 'foreignness', as well as a threat to Singaporean society itself, by virtue of their sexuality. The potential of maids to unravel the moral fibre of society is a point of considerable anxiety, and is reflected in the state-owned press, and by employment agencies.

Violations of domestic workers' privacy and personal freedom are officialised in immigration policies which contravene international human rights standards. Government policies such as compulsory regular medical checks for domestic workers (including pregnancy and HIV tests), and restrictions on domestic workers' rights to marry freely are framed in the familiar rhetoric of the danger of moral collapse. In this sense, the sexuality of both local women and foreign women has become a 'target of state discipline', through pro-natalist policies for the former and restrictive labour policies for the latter.

The government has taken on minimal responsibility for the welfare of its foreign workers, for example by refusing to regulate maids' wages and instead leaving them to be determined by market forces. Domestic workers (unlike other foreign workers) are excluded from Singapore's main labour laws, the Employment Act and the Workmen's Compensation Act, which guarantee workers 'a minimum of one rest day per week, a maximum of forty-four work hours per week, limits on salary deductions, and fourteen days of paid sick leave'. Whilst the working conditions of domestic workers have been improved by some recent changes to legislation, there remains a disturbing lack of legal protection for privately employed live-in maids.

In Singapore, we therefore see that gender, nationality and class intersect to justify a persons' involvement in domestic work. The international transfer of care giving therefore creates a 'two-tier hierarchy' established through a racial division of reproductive labour. Privileged female citizens of rich nations such as Singapore are therefore able to 'have it all' through the exploitation of lower status women as cheap labourers. The 'foreignness' of migrant workers, combined with the feminising and 'Othering' of the Philippines absolves the state of its responsibilities and legitimises the exploitation of migrant workers. However, interventions to protect the rights of domestic workers must involve both sending and receiving countries, as well as the international community.

Some actions which could be taken by the Singaporean government to improve the situation of foreign domestic workers include:

  • Ensure domestic workers can access equal and complete legal protection
  • Enforce policies which help to prevent abuses of workers, and create mechanisms to monitor abuses, with strong penalties for those who offend
  • Improve foreign workers' access to the justice system
  • Ensure domestic workers' freedom of movement, including access to new job opportunities
  • Sign and commit to international human rights agreements which protect the rights of migrants
  • Support NGOs in their role providing additional services to migrant workers

The WCYF gave me a great opportunity to discuss with other delegates the situation of migrant domestic workers in their own contexts. The participants contributed by sharing their experiences and knowledge of the rights of domestic workers in their own countries. During the session we discussed female migrants' ability to exercise agency, even within the most constricting of circumstances. In studying women's labour migration, one must never assume women's passive acceptance of conditions, but instead seek to understand how they engage in daily renegotiation of their roles, freedoms and status.

I enjoyed attending the WCYF conference very much. It was especially interesting to experience a taste of Korean culture and hospitality, as I had never visited South Korea before. It was also interesting to hear many other students' presentations on a wide range of topics.

In the future I hope to work for an organisation which promotes gender equality in all areas of women's and men's lives, including paid labour. Women's access to, and control of, income is an important element of their empowerment. I am currently working on the dissertation paper for my Masters degree, which explores how women might benefit through other income streams such as cash transfers. I hope to finish my programme in September 2009 and graduate in January 2010.

The full paper can be found at http://www.wcyf2009.org/callforpaper/sub02.html?key=singapore


 

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A Small Seed that Yielded Fruitful Results: A Successful JIP Project in Indonesia

October 8, 2008
By null

Our Joint Initiative Program (JIP) project, conducted February 2006–April 2008, started with a small question in 2005: After all that we have learned and all the discussions that we have had, what can we do to help solve the world’s problems? That simple but deeply meaningful question arose in a gathering of Sylff fellows at the University of Indonesia (UI), after a series of discussions of various topics by members of the Association of Sylff-UI.

The Waste Management Situation in Indonesia

The large amount of waste thrown into the rivers in Jakarta has been clogging the artery of city life for years. This problem, which worsens every year, has many negative consequences for Jakarta’s inhabitants, including flooding that causes much discomfort in people’s daily lives and results in millions of dollars in damage each year. The waste that is accumulating in the rivers is causing them to get shallower, and at some places people can cross a river by walking on the waste. And because the riverbanks have in effect become waste-disposal areas, people cannot leisurely walk there and enjoy nature.

Jakarta is also facing problems concerning final disposal sites. In many localities, accidents on such sites have cost the lives of scavengers working there. In addition, Jakarta is also facing a lack of such sites, and in many instances plans to create final disposal sites have been opposed by local communities.

But the real problem is deeper than that. The situation regarding the waste problem in Indonesia is analogous to dirt being swept under a carpet. One cannot see the dirt until one examines the conditions closely, a problem that is compounded by some people saying that the problem of waste in Jakarta is not very bad. This failure of people to acknowledge the problem is what drove us to plan the JIP project. Thus, part of the problem is people’s attitude towards waste.

Manggarai residents discuss their waste problems

Manggarai residents discuss their waste problems

People think that once their waste has been collected, the problem is solved. People do not want to see what happens to their waste. All that matters for them is that their waste is removed on time and that they don’t need to see it again. But those are only superficial considerations. People rarely examine their behavior or consider that they are just paying somebody to take their waste away and that the trash collector then pays poor people who agree to let the waste be dumped in their yards because they need the money. This is in effect a NIMBY (“Not in my back yard”) attitude, because Jakarta dumps its waste in neighboring cities.
To help deal with the above problems, we started by forming a team consisting of Sylff fellows from the University of Indonesia and Gadjah Mada University. Our first step was to collect preliminary data by creating a simple questionnaire that we used when interviewing and talking with people in Manggarai, South Jakarta. When we learned of the Tokyo Foundation’s call for JIP proposals, we presented the results of our research in a proposal to the Foundation.

The first part of the project was designed to raise people’s awareness of waste management through environmental education in the Manggarai community of South Jakarta. All the people there are members of one neighborhood association, RW 10 (RW stands for rukun warga, “neighborhood association”). That neighborhood association consists of 18 smaller neighborhood groups totaling 3,200 people. Our team’s preliminary research indicated that 39 percent of the people throw their waste into a nearby river. The other 61 percent dump their waste in vacant areas or pay a small amount of money to have someone pick up their waste and dispose of it somewhere else.

Together With Local Communities

Our team designed a social intervention program (hereinafter “SIP”) based on a literature review done prior to and during the program. The SIP emphasized the role of block leaders, high public participation, and frequent visits by the team. The team often met after dark following meetings with about 25 community members. The SIP provided training and workshops in waste management for the people, and this was warmly received by the community. About 40 people actively participated in the entire program we initiated and also started their own initiatives. One reason why citizen participation was very high and progress was so fast was explained by one of the community members, a 50-year-old male: “We are happy and grateful because you work with us, talk with us, and continuously visit us. We had many people come from universities before. But they just collected data and left us once they got what they were seeking. We never saw them again.

A participant in the second workshop presents her group's proposal

A participant in the second workshop presents her group's proposal

The program also brought the local residents into more contact with the local government. Our two-year JIP project has had several positive results. Neighborhoods in the community became cleaner and greener by people creating both home gardens and community gardens. Our JIP project also made some community members aware of income-generating opportunities, such as producing and marketing homemade biofertilizer, collecting and selling recyclable materials, making products from recycled materials, and selling decorative plants.

We realized during the first year of our JIP project (April 2006–March 2007) that raising people’s awareness of waste management is not enough. More effort is needed to have an impact not only at the community level but also at the governmental decision-making level.

Moving Forward With Stakeholders

A meeting of community residents and local-government

A meeting of community residents and local-government

We also realized that without cooperation from all stakeholders, integrated waste management is not sustainable in the long run. Waste management problems cannot be solved only at the community level; they must involve a broad range of stakeholders. For this reason, our team met again and planned further steps for the second year of our JIP project: “The Institutionalization of Sustainable Waste Management: An Extension Program of Environmental Awareness in Jakarta and West Java.”
The second year of our JIP project (March 2007—April 2008) was designed to facilitate meetings involving all stakeholders in waste management in Jakarta and West Java: representatives of local and provincial governments, NGOs, and the business sector; local residents; academicians and other experts; and informal sectors and legislators. Our initial plan was to establish contact with all stakeholders, then to hold regional waste-management forums with them in Jakarta, Depok, and Bandung. The plan sounds simple, but the results were beyond what was expected.

A Focus-group Discussion in Jakarta

A working group at a regional workshop in Depok City

A working group at a regional workshop in Depok City

The change of the program proved to be very useful for us by providing a good base and data for use in preparing the forums. Later on, we decided that we should take the form of workshops, one of which was organized as a national, as opposed to just a regional, event. The workshops were attended by more than 103 representatives in Jakarta and over 84 in Depok. Waste-management stakeholders, including local governments and important national government agencies, as well as representatives from the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia were in attendance.
What the team felt was special was the trust placed in us by all the stakeholders. The team is small, and an informal group at that. We felt honored to be trusted by all the important stakeholders who responded to our invitation to work together. Some participants voiced their appreciation for our initiative, which provided a forum for all stakeholders to voice their opinions concerning the problem, saying, “Never before was there an initiative to allow us to meet decision makers and be given the opportunity to be heard. We thank you for that.”

The Waste Management Act

At the end of the program, the team was greatly pleased at witnessing the passage of the long-awaited Waste Management Act by the government of the Republic of Indonesia on May 7, 2008. Thus, one important recommendation made by many working groups in the workshops to encourage Indonesia to adopt waste management, that is, to have regulations at the national level, has been realized.

The Waste Management Act, which is applied nationwide, is divided into 18 chapters, including general prescription, the government’s authority and obligations, people’s rights and obligations, waste management implementation, cost and compensations, cooperation and partnership, restriction, monitoring, administrative sanction, dispute settlement, investigation, and transitional rules. This act is expected to make a major change in waste management in Indonesia. The regulation states that government regulation and ministerial decree should be finalized within a year after this regulation is enacted, while local government regulation (by the provincial and municipal government) should be finalized within three years. During the transition, local government should close any open dumping sites within five years and start making plans to close these sites within a year of enactment of the act.

The second year project focused on the capacity building of waste management in Indonesia. This approach is different compared to the previous efforts. This project was helping various stakeholders to work together in solving waste problems in Indonesia. The issue of waste regulation, among other things that were deemed important, was discussed widely, not only by stakeholders who previously worked exclusively on the drafting through enactment stages but also by other stakeholders who never gave any attention to the regulation. At the end of the workshop, each stakeholder committed themselves to applying their efforts anyway they can to realize the recommendations made by the working groups. Soon after that, some stakeholders—who were also the facilitators in the working groups and were cooperating with the JIP team to hold the workshop, and who have been working for years on the regulation—came to the House of Representatives with new materials. The draft of the waste management act was then agreed to be enacted without much time and difficulty. This act marked the shifting of the waste management paradigm in Indonesia from collect-transfer-disposal to one that incorporates the concept of waste management hierarchy, more popularly known as the concept of 3R (reduce, reuse, and recycle).

One fruit of the project: a cleaner and greener

One fruit of the project: a cleaner and greener

If we are asked how, with limited funds and time, we were able to attain high participation from local people and the cooperation of stakeholders, we might not be able to give you a definite answer. What we can say is that we gave people opportunities to act on their ideas and to contribute in anyway that they saw fit. We acted as participating facilitators, not as outsiders higher than the people. Also, the Tokyo Foundation, which funded the project, trusted us and gave us room to maneuver and to make changes to the initial JIP proposal. That trust means a lot to us. In addition, our hard work and devoting our time to the project were of course very important. We feel very much rewarded by the outcomes of the project.

Even though our JIP project has ended, our journey continues. The team is still receiving requests from local people, government bodies, and other stakeholders to become involved in further meetings and discussions, to present the results of the project in seminars and articles, and to give our “expert” support. We believe that the adage “A journey of a thousand miles starts with one step” applies well in this case, and that our project was such a first step. Indeed, it was a step whose good results will give rise to the next steps. We hope the fact that a small and simple initiative such as our JIP project can produce such a big change will inspire many similar works in the future.

 

Wardhani, Citra

Sylff Fellow Earned her M.A. in Environmental Studies in 2002 and her M.A. in Social Psychology in 2008 from the University of Indonesia. Is currently conducting research on urban mobility culture, poverty, and migration.

Imran, Sarojini

Sylff Fellow Earned her M.A. in Anthropology in 2002 from the University of Indonesia. Has been a lecturer at Pancasila University, Jakarta, Faculty Architecture Engineering since 1993 and is coordinating research programs for the faculty.


 

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The Overseas Chinese in Tonga

August 1, 2008
By 21136

Tonga will hail a new king in August 2008. A Sylff fellow from New Zealand, who conducted field research in the country, suggests that Tonga must improve cultural relations following November 2006 riots caused by ethnic tension between Tongans and Overseas Chinese and political rivalry between the state and opposition pro-democracy factions.

Tonga is an archipelago in the South Pacific Ocean. The earliest ethnic Chinese arrived there as Anglican priests in the 1920s. It was not until 1974 that the first Taiwanese businessman settled there, and thereupon began a gradual increase in the Overseas Chinese (OC) population--mainly from Taiwan, with some from Hong Kong and some students from the People's Republic of China after the 1989 Tiananmen Incident1. Thousands of Tongan passports were sold in the 1990s to raise revenue for government coffers. The majority of these were purchased by PRC nationals who quickly established businesses and dominated Tongan commercial interests. By 2001, there were reportedly over 120 Chinese-run shops in Nuku'alofa--mostly small roadside stalls selling convenience items and snacks. Larger businesses include wholesale and retail shops. The number of standard shipping containers imported into Tonga indicates that Chinese businesspeople control a significant share of goods brought into the country. One businessman estimates that he alone imports 40 containers of foodstuffs and general use items per year. Another successful businessman imports about five containers per month.

A typical roadside stall owned by ethnic Chinese.

A typical roadside stall owned by ethnic Chinese.

Today, there are approximately 600-700 ethnic Chinese residents on the main island of Tongatapu--less than 1% of the country's total population. However, the relatively sudden influx of Chinese migrants, the illegal selling of passports, and the subsequent government decision to make this legal have aggravated ethnic tensions. Resentment of OC immigrants has been manifested in various ways. Graffiti is scrawled across the outer walls of the PRC embassy; there are numerous cases of harassment and assaults against Chinese businessmen;2 Tu'ivakano, chieftain of Nukunuku, banned Chinese stores in his district; and in late 2001, 600 ethnic Chinese were asked by the government to leave once their work permits expired in order to curb violence and anger against Chinese.

These tensions are tied to conflict within the royal family and its links with China. Princess Pilolevu has many business interests with the PRC and, along with her late father, was a strong supporter of Chinese immigration as a means to stimulate the economy. Further links with China are illustrated by bilateral deals involving fisheries, manufacturing and agriculture, and most importantly, the severing of diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Prince 'Ulakalala had another view, deciding that the economy should not be open to foreigners, and used ethnic Chinese as the scapegoat for the island nation's continuing economic malaise.3

Former New Zealand High Commissioner to Tonga Brian Smythe noted upon his retirement in 2003 that "public resentment at the rapid intrusion of Chinese immigrants into the retail sector seems to have diminished somewhat but could always resurface.4 His words would ring true. On November 16, 2006, entire blocks of Nuku'alofa's central business district were left in smoldering ruins following pro-democracy demonstrations. Out of 155 businesses damaged, 33 shops owned by Chinese nationals or naturalized Tongans of Chinese descent were systematically targeted for looting and then torched.5 Several OC businesses along the shoreline (about 10 minutes away on foot) were first cased by scouts, who then advised looters and arsonists by mobile telephone. It is important to note that only property was targeted, and not the people themselves. This all pointed to coordinated planning, preparation, and careful execution.6

art of downtown Nuku'alofa after the riots - all burnt down.

art of downtown Nuku'alofa after the riots - all burnt down.

One report suggested the Chinese were attacked because of their support for the government.7 However, Chinese keep mostly to themselves and their businesses, with little interest in politics. Rather, it was a small minority of Tongans, such as whose in the pro-democratic Pangai Sii movement and the xenophobic Tonga National Business Association, who had focused negatively on Chinese and urged targeting of their businesses.8 Thugs were hired by Tongan business owners to attack rival operators.910 Police intelligence confirmed these allegations. Commissioner Sinilau Kolokihakaufisi commented, "There was a struggle against the Chinese presence. They were not wanted and that's not democracy. Our investigations will include claims that there were other motives other than democracy behind the riot."11

Violence in Nuku'alofa was quickly contained the same night the riots began.12 However, hundreds of Chinese were left homeless. The PRC embassy made great efforts to provide assistance. It managed to feed, clothe, and house about 300 Chinese in its compound over five days, assisted by large donations from the OC community and sympathetic Tongans. An Air China Boeing 747 was sent to Nadi (Fiji) with food and necessities, to investigate the situation, and to rescue those requiring evacuation.13 The plane arrived back in Xiamen, China, on November 23, 2006.14 Jeremy Chan, an OC community member with Tongan citizenship who opted to remain, said those leaving "will probably never return."15 But this would not be the case.

Traditional Tongan architecture using natural materials.

Traditional Tongan architecture using natural materials.

The OC population controls a large proportion of businesses and services in the Pacific region. There would be significant repercussions for the local economy if this population were to be displaced or removed--investment would fall, unemployment would rise, and there would be fewer choices for and less access to supplies. The Pacific remains an economically attractive OC market and destination, and there is no indication they would voluntary leave permanently en masse. While the evacuation was necessary for those genuinely escaping the turmoil, the majority declined the offer. Some chose to stay and look after their businesses; some could not return to China because of the circumstances in which they left the country in the first place;16 and others were not even in Nuku'alofa at the time of the riots, given their transnational nature.

Of the 193 OC community members who left Tonga after the riots, most returned within a couple of months to rebuild their businesses or start new ones--mostly outside the central business district, which remains empty blocks of land. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the number of new Chinese arrivals may have even increased, with migrants believing more business opportunities have surfaced since the rioting. The only group not to return were young children, whose parents preferred to leave them behind in China for schooling.

The 2006 incident shows that dealing with OC affairs will become an important aspect of maintaining bilateral relations with Beijing. China expects and demands that countries protect its nationals (and by implication, all other members of the OC population) in trouble. How countries respond may either be praised or attacked. For example, Beijing thanked Tonga and other regional governments for their role in "active cooperation and assistance" in the return effort.17 A similar OC evacuation in April 2006 from Honiara in the Solomon Islands resulted in praise for Papua New Guinea, New Zealand, and Australia for their roles. In contrast, Solomon Islands officials were criticized for their lack of effort--the Chinese ambassador to Papua New Guinea, Wei Ruixing, noted, "We are very sorry that the SI government did nothing to help Chinese nationals when they were suffering."18

A typical family residential household in Nuku'alofa, Tonga.

A typical family residential household in Nuku'alofa, Tonga.

To improve bilateral relationships with Pacific nations, China provides generous aid packages. Following the riots, Beijing approved an estimated TG$100 million soft loan to the Tongan government for rebuilding central Nukua'lofa. This contribution places Beijing as a significant player in Tonga's future, but has so far received limited acceptance--all applications call only for Chinese-sourced labor and materials for reconstruction. Local businesses are wary to draw on this facility, due to unclear valuations, hidden long-term costs (such as interest), and concerns about low building quality.19 Furthermore, it could serve only to draw more Chinese to Tonga as construction workers and contractors.

The Chinese in Tonga all have different plans for the future--some intend to re-migrate to Australia or New Zealand, and others to return home to China. Their children's education and the genuine fear of repeated ethnic tension are both major considerations for moving on. Others cite the poverty and hard life faced in Tonga compared to the improving economic situation in China. Most, however, maintain that they can profit more there than elsewhere, and even if they migrate would still keep their Tongan businesses. In short, Chinese will remain as long as there is a safe living to be made. As for Tonga's future, there must be efforts to improve understanding and promote positive interaction between cultures. While there are friendly intentions to increase cooperation between the Tonga Chinese Business Association and the Tongan Chamber of Commerce, nothing has yet come to fruition. Time will tell if these cultural differences can be resolved.

This paper is the result of collection and analysis of media articles and meeting with diplomats, community and business leaders, journalists and various local Overseas Chinese in Tonga in August 2007.
1.Bill Willmott, "The Chinese Communities in the Smaller Countries of the South Pacific: Kiribati, Nauru, Tonga, Cook Islands." Working Paper 10, MacMillan Brown Library, University of Canterbury, 2007.
2."Tonga's Prince Takes a Swipe at Racism at Home and Abroad," Matangi Tonga, June 29, 2000.
3."Chinese Shopkeepers Told: Pack Up and Leave Country," Agence France-Presse, November 27, 2001.
4.Brian Smythe, "Tonga Report Talks of Royal Instability, Fears of Conflict." Report sent to Foreign Minister Phil Goff, June 11, 2003.
5.From a survey carried out by the Tongan Ministry of Labour, Commerce, and Industries, "Assessment Report of Damages in Tonga from 16/11," Tonga Now, November 20, 2006. See also "Calm Begins to Return to Tonga," Newstalk ZB, November 17, 2006, <http://tvnz.co.nz/view/page/488120/894685>.
6.Eight Tongan rioters were killed by fire when they could not escape a building they were trapped in while looting.
7."Tonga Riots," Reuters, November 19, 2006.
8."More Time Was Needed for Reforms, Govt Says," Tonga Now, November 19, 2006.
9.According to eye-witness Mike Jones (a New Zealand businessman) rioters were paid to cause trouble. "It wasn't a riot as such. It was an organised attempt to cut out all of the Chinese, and whatever businesses were in opposition." Quoted by Pesi Fonua, "Rebuilding Tongan Capital to Take 5 Years," China Post, November 22, 2006.
10."Tongan Business Owners Blame Riots on Rivals," Taipei Times, November 22, 2006, <http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/world/archives/2006/11/22/2003337434>.
11."Chinese Specifically Targeted: Tonga Police Commissioner," Fiji Times, November 19, 2006, <http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=51924>.
12.The deployment of Tonga Defense personnel on November 16 was followed by New Zealand and Australian troops on November 18. By then, little was needed to be done in terms of containment, leaving them only to assist with investigations, maintain security, and make low-key neighborhood patrols to calm Chinese communities.
13."Chinese Evacuated from Riot-Stricken Tonga," China Daily, November 23, 2006.
14."Chartered Plane to Fetch Chinese Nationals from Tonga Islands Arrives in E. China," Xinhua, November 23, 2006, <http://english.people.com.cn/200611/23/eng20061123_324557.html>.
15."Chinese Community in Tonga Still Reeling from Riots," Radio New Zealand, November 24, 2006.
16.One witness suspects certain OC immigrants had left China with money procured under illegal means and would face retribution if they returned.
17."Chinese Government Helped Its Citizens in Tonga Return to China with a Chartered Plane," PRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs Website, November 22, 2006, <http://www.china-embassy.org/eng/fyrth/t281398.htm>; "Hundreds of Chinese Demand Repatriation from Troubled Tonga," Xinhua, November 22, 2006.
18.Issac Nicholas, "China Condemns Inaction," Solomon Star, May 2, 2006.
19.Interview with Tapu Panuve, Tonga Chamber of Commerce, Nuku'alofa, August 28, 2007.


 

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New York, New York …

July 15, 2008
By 19588

(The following is an excerpt from the SYLFF Newsletter No.15, May 2006)

Anna Gutowska

This year’s SYLFF Chamber Music Seminar, the first of three such annual events planned and jointly developed by three SYLFF music schools—the Conservatoire national supérieur de musique et de danse de Paris, the University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, and The Juilliard School, in New York City—took place at Juilliard from January 9th through 17th, 2006, in conjunction with Juilliard’s ChamberFest; a week of chamber music seminars, coaching, and performances.

As a step leading to participation in the seminar, five of us from our university in Vienna—Bojidara Kouzmanova (violin), Philipp Schachinger (cello), Heidrun (“Heidi”) Wirth (bassoon), David Szalkay (trumpet), and I—met at Vienna Airport on Sunday, January 8th, subsequently arriving in New York City after a long flight.

The seminar started on January 9th. It involved intensive hours of practice and coaching each day. We worked with different coaches on different pieces by a variety of composers, such as Stravinsky, Ives, and Friedmann. Juilliard has some 100 practice rooms, so enough rooms were available for us to practice individually and in groups until 11 p.m.— and some days we did so, meeting only for lunches and dinners. However, our time was not all work. Among the much appreciated ‘extracurricular’ events that Juilliard arranged for us during the seminar were a pizza party and a special Chinese dinner.

I was in a chamber group that also included Helena Madoka Berg and Christian Hacker from Germany, Benedicte Royer from Paris, and Ang Li from China. Helena, Christian, and Ang were students at Juilliard, and Benedicte was a student at the conservatoire in Paris. The piece that we chose to play was Anton Dvorak’s Piano Quintet in A-Major, op. 81, a very famous and wonderful piece that actually is for piano and strings and is also my favorite. We practiced in the morning and afternoon every day.

Our coach was Dr. Yoheved Kaplinsky, chair of the Piano Department of The Juilliard School, from which she had received a doctorate. She has been greatly praised for her musical accomplishments in recitals, chamber music programs, and orchestral performances. Before joining Juilliard, Dr. Kaplinsky taught at the Philadelphia University of the Arts, the Peabody Conservatory, and the Manhattan School of Music. Widely known for her exceptional knowledge of piano techniques, she is in great demand as a teacher of advanced pianists, and she has lectured extensively and judged major musical competitions across the world.

Dr. Kaplinsky provided us with fantastic coaching. She is a very quiet person, but when she is playing, her performance is like fireworks, full of emotion and also very, very warm. I thought that our Dvorak Quintet needed a lot of color and joy, and a little nostalgia, and as a result of her working with us on every element of this piece, we were able to play it in the expressive way that it deserves. I absolutely adore her, and I loved and enjoyed her lessons. Dr. Kaplinsky’s family came from Poland, and I hope that some day she will come to Poland to visit our school. We, the participants in the seminar, had different personalities, were from different countries and cultures, had studied at different schools, embraced different traditions (musical and otherwise), and had different ways of playing. But I think that this “mixture” was fantastic. It gave us many pleasant surprises, as well as much joy and many smiles, and we learned a lot from each other.

The concert in Paul Hall on the final day (January 17th) was held before a large audience, and perhaps it can best be described in these few words: personally satisfying and musically successful! I very much enjoyed performing with my quintet-friends, and, I’m glad to say, our performance was well-received. After the concert Dr. Kaplinsky came to us and said she was proud of us, which of course warmed our hearts and made us feel even more strongly that our hard work and intensive practice had been worthwhile. During the post-concert reception I met people from The Nippon Foundation, the Tokyo Foundation, and the Nippon Music Foundation. I was very happy to see Ms. Ellen Mashiko again after having met her for the first time in July 2005 during the SYLFF Africa/Europe Regional Forum in Coimbra, Portugal.

 

* * *

 

I am now back in Vienna.

My first visit to New York City, in addition to the very rewarding experience of collaborating with other students at Juilliard, was also enjoyable and memorable in other ways. I have many photos that I took while there: Central Park and its squirrels, Manhattan, Ground Zero, Planet Hollywood, the Metropolitan Opera, 34th Street, the Brooklyn Bridge, Chinatown, Times Square, and the Rockefeller Center and its ice rink, among others. Sometimes I look at my photos from my time in New York, and I laugh . . . about David Szalkay, who always had his video camera and was singing Jennifer Lopez songs, and about Bojidara, who was worried about her heavy baggage (she bought a lot of CDs and books in New York). And I remember the wonderful spaghetti party and playing the Uno card game . . . among many, many other memories.

Some of us from Vienna went to Avery Fisher Hall to listen to an open rehearsal of a violin concerto, “The Red Violin,” staged by Joshua Bell and the New York Philharmonic Orchestra, and we also saw a Metropolitan Opera production of the great ballet Swan Lake.

I also fondly remember a dinner at a sushi bar with my Vienna university roommate, Heidi, and Mathieu and Magie from Paris. The weather was very cold, but we were very happy to share time together. Heidi made entries in her diary every day, and we talked whenever we had a chance. We thoroughly enjoyed the 10 days we passed in New York with the fantastic people we met, played with, and heard play there.

I worked very hard. I attended all the seminar sessions, where I learned a lot. I did my best to contribute to the success of the SYLFF Chamber Music Seminar and our quintet’s performance. I hope I will meet all the seminar participants and teachers again someday . . . perhaps even in New York, which I enjoyed a lot.

After spending such an intense, enriching, and wonderful time in New York, a time that was so meaningful to me, I wish, on behalf of all other musicians who performed at the ChamberFest from the three music schools, to express our sincere gratitude to Ellen Mashiko and the Tokyo Foundation for providing us with such a wonderful opportunity and for the trust they placed in us.

I also wish to express my deepest and very respectful thanks to Professor Wolfgang Klos and Ms. Dorothea Riedel of the University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, for the trust they placed in me and for making it possible for me to take part, first, in the SYLFF Africa/Europe Regional Forum in the summer of 2005, which in turn provided me with the opportunity to perform in the wonderful chamber music concert in the Biblioteca Joanina (King John Library) at the University of Coimbra during that forum, and then, second, in Juilliard’s ChamberFest this past January.

I will never forget New York. I am very, very happy to have had the experiences I did during ChamberFest, and especially to have been able to play and work with musicians and other people from different countries and cultures around the world. I believe that the SYLFF Chamber Music Seminars, by bringing together in this way such different people, with their varied languages and traditions, will help to eliminate misunderstanding and hatred from this unquiet and uneasy world, and bring goodwill and peace instead.

 

Anna Gutowska

A native of Poland, Ms. Anna Gutowska is a SYLFF fellow at the University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, majoring in violin. She participated in the Asia/Pacific Regional Forum in Coimbra, Portugal, in 2005, and in the SYLFF Chamber Music Seminar that was held in January 2006 at The Juilliard School in New York City. This seminar is the first of three annual seminars, developed under the SYLFF Fellows Mobility Program (FMP), to be held at the three music schools involved.

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SYLFF Goes to Mindanao

July 15, 2008
By 21162

An art workshop involving young adults and teens from various indigenous people’s (IP) groups from different provinces in Mindanao, the island group at the southern part of the Philippines, was held on January 26-27, 2008 in Cagayan de Oro City, Misamis Oriental, Philippines, in partnership with the Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center, Inc. Lumads, or indigenous people, are native to Mindanao and are neither Christians nor Muslims. 1 26 participants were taught basic principles and techniques in art by Errol Balcos of the Oro Art Guild CDO, which they were able to apply to their own artworks when they were later given the chance to work on them.

Aside from the art session, there were lots of other activities that allowed the participants to share their identity and aspirations to one another. There was a sharing session, wherein the participants were able to name the IP organization they belonged to, the difficulties and concerns of their tribe, and their personal dreams for themselves and their communities.

There was also a cultural/solidarity night, where each IP group performed their native dances and songs. Other groups also recited poetry. Many of these presentations reflected the participants’ hopes and dreams; some chronicled their tribe’s history whereas others described the oppression and injustice they have suffered from.

There were also icebreakers that allowed the participants to explore the open areas of the venue and at the same time cooperate with each other in a fun, physical activity.

In order to maximize exposure to the living conditions and experiences of fellow Filipinos in the southern part of the Philippines, the SYLFF fellows visited the community of farmers in Sumilao, Bukidnon who participated in a historic walk from Bukidnon to Manila to pressure the Philippine government to bestow upon them ownership of a disputed 144-hectare land in Bukidnon, appropriately called the “144.” 2 This exposure trip was implemented in cooperation with Balay Alternative Legal Advocates for Development in Mindanaw, Inc. (BALAOD Mindanaw). The fellows listened to the farmers’ stories about their experiences during the Sumilao Walk, their struggle for ownership of 144, their dreams and plans for when the land is bestowed upon them, and their steadfast determination to implement more actions consistent with their goal. The fellows also had a chance to visit a camp that the Sumilao farmers had erected outside the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) Regional Office in Cagayan de Oro City, with the goal of imposing their presence and objectives upon the agency as a ubiquitous reminder that the latter has yet to fulfill their duty in relation to the said quandary. Here, the fellows witnessed and heard first-hand the difficulties that the farmers had to bear during this protest such as the foul smell emanating from the drainage on top of which they pitched their tent, the extreme heat at noon, the occasional rain, mosquitoes and other insects, the resulting diseases, separation from their families for at least one week, and the inability to till their lands.

    1. The participants of the art workshop are indigenous people known in the Philippines as Lumads. The term "Lumad" is a collective term for all the indigenous people in the Mindanao island group. Therefore there are many different indigenous groups referred to using the umbrella-term "Lumad" (e.g., Manobo, T'boli, etc.). Indigenous people are those who inhabit specific geographic regions in which they have the earliest historical and cultural connection with. One of the biggest issues they face concerns their ancestral lands, which they struggle to protect from logging and mining companies, and multinational corporations.
    1. The Lumad Higaonon tribe farmers of Sumilao, Bukidnon in Mindanao, walked all the way from Bukidnon to Manila (yes, all 1,700 kilometers on foot!) to petition the government to get their 144 hectares of land back. The large corporation ‘San Miguel Foods, Inc.’ had claimed the land and wanted to convert it into a hog farm.

       

      It took the farmers 2 months to walk from Bukidnon to reach Manila. Last year, in December 2007, ownership of this land was granted to them.

 

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About Warmth — Charity Activities Organized by SYLFF Fellows in Vienna

July 15, 2008
By 19588

(The following is an excerpt from the SYLFF Newsletter No.18, May 2007)

Adriana Paler-Nicolescu

Adriana (third from right, standing) and orphan girls with donated gifts at Floare de Colt (Noble Flower).

Adriana (third from right, standing) and orphan girls with donated gifts at Floare de Colt (Noble Flower).

There is much we can learn—such as to walk, speak, read, do business, or play an instrument. There also is much we receive—such as life itself, challenges, and opportunities. And there is much more that we are able to give, almost infinitely, that we can find just near us—tangible, obvious, waiting.

I consider myself a lucky person. If I had to write down all the reasons for saying that, much time—too much time—would be necessary. Therefore in this article I will concentrate on one reason. It has to do with the Tokyo Foundation and some SYLFF fellows at the University of Music and Performing Arts Vienna, where I’m studying piano in a master’s program.

To receive a SYLFF Fellowship has been a great honor and great financial help for each one of us; but that is not all. Fellowship-related resources, such as the SYLFF Network Program, give rise to creative opportunities too; that is how our SYLFF Network for Music and Arts Vienna (SYNEMAV) came into being. That is how a handful of SYLFF fellows—my co-organizers Monika Guca and David Szalkay, and myself as the principal organizer—had the modest idea of creating something different. How could we combine an expression of our musical art, networking, and initiative to make the world around us a little bit better? The answer was . . . a charity concert.

There are many people in need, we thought, and so we decided to hold a concert for orphan children (I am, by the way, the mother of two children). I began to look for a children’s shelter in my native country, Romania.

I found the Floare de Colt—translated as Noble Flower—Children’s House in Fagaras, a small town in the Transylvanian mountains, about 20 km from the village where I spent my childhood and first touched a piano. The house director, Ms. Cerasela Dogaru, helped me with information and everything else I needed.

We announced our concert for June 24th, 2006. Because I was the vice-chairperson of the OH at our university—and with kind help from our rector—it was possible to arrange for us to use the big Haydn Hall, with a lovely Steinway piano inside, for our concert.

This was the first time for me to organize a concert; usually I “only” play at such events. To organize a concert involves much more to do, but it was pure networking and very instructive for all of us who were involved.

The performers were six SYLFF fellows and one teacher accompanist. Haiyue Yu, a composer, presented her own piano suite; Monika Guca, flutist (and co-organizer), played Toru Takemitsu; Chi Bun Jimmy Chiang, pianist and conductor, played Mozart and Debussy; Tanja Watzinger sang Alban Berg, with piano accompaniment by Eva Mark-Muhlner; David Szalkay, trumpeter (and co-organizer), played Toru Takemitsu and Perz; Adriana Paler-Nicolescu, pianist (and principal organizer), played Liszt. All of us also said a little about ourselves and our pieces before each artistic moment, so that the audience—other SYLFF members, teachers, friend, and music lovers—could be closer to us and better understand the music, some of it very modern. It was a good concert, which means that we felt at home and connected with the audience, which was very warm. We were like a big family in the inspiring atmosphere of the university.

This feeling continued naturally at the buffet afterwards, where we enjoyed delicious food and good conversation, Romanian wine, and Austrian frizzante (semi-sparkling wine). People from many nations joined in a wonderful drop of time.

As a result of the concert we were able to collect a modest sum of money for the children’s shelter; the members of SYNEMAV also made donations themselves. Our imaginations began to work out how best to use the funds to buy presents for 50 children.

We also started a campaign of collecting clothes and toys for the children during the summer; the response was incredible. In November we were ready to start our journey to Romania. My husband Dragos Nicolescu and I needed a Fiat minibus to hold everything that we would be bringing— sweets, oranges, and 15 sacks of clothes and toys—to the orphans. We had to travel almost 12 hours, from Vienna, through Hungary and Transylvania, to get to the shelter.

Haiyue Yu.

Haiyue Yu.

We made our first stop in Lisa, the village of my grandparents. My aunt bought and contributed 50 new, warm hats and an equal number of pairs of gloves for the children, along with delicious Romanian maize chips, and gingerbread. With the help of my 80 year-old grandmother, we packed the presents and prepared ourselves for the next, big day: the visit to the children’s house.

November 24th, 2006, was a normal day for many people, but for me it was a special day, as well as a joyful celebration for the 50 children. They were waiting for us; they welcomed us into their adoptive house and showed us their classrooms and dormitories; they got two hours off from classes to enjoy the presents. They greeted Director Cerasela Dogaru like a mother and us like family. They wanted to help carry the sacks, and they embraced us the entire time.

I had such a mix of feelings, and I had a lump in my throat that just wouldn’t go away. It was amazing to find so much love and warmth in a place that is filled with so many sad stories about children with deceased, ailing, alcoholic, abusive or neglectful parents. There were children who did not know what it was like to have their natural parents next to them; some of them came from families so poor, with such big problems, that they had to be taken care of somewhere else. Some were undergoing physical or psychological therapy. But all of them were nicely dressed, clean, and smiling. They were aged between 7 and 16. And they embraced us like they were seeing Santa Claus bringing Christmas presents.

Each one got a present and a kiss; the kiss was as wanted and as precious as the doll or toy (maybe their first personal one) that each received. To see that somebody, a total stranger, cared about them meant everything to them. That meant they were important, that they were worthy of love just as much as anyone, for no reason. They were children, like so many others, no more and no less.

I will never forget that day. Apart from the photos, newspaper article, and television reportage, there was something that touched my heart and bothered me: these children were so lonely even though it would be so easy for someone to bring a little happiness to them. It requires very little money—only showing a little interest. And it makes one little soul happy. Those orphan children didn’t need things, but human warmth. And they gave it back enormously, in a genuine and moving manner.

We are honored to thank the Tokyo Foundation and SYLFF for helping us to start such activities. And we are happy to announce our next, larger charity concert for the children of Noble Flower Children’s House in Fagaras, Romania, which will take place in the Bosendorfer Hall in Vienna in November 2007.

There is so much to do, more than just to bring little presents. The children need a kitchen and dining room in their own building; they are temporarily eating in a big dining hall that is shared with older people from other facilities in the same complex. Most important, they need someone who has a vision and can create plans for the time when they will be old enough to no longer have the right to live in a children’s shelter. They have the right to have opportunities to obtain jobs, to start their own families, and to pursue happiness, and they will need to know how to fruitfully realize those goals.

Romania has done well in the last 18 years, since the revolution that ended the half-century of Communism and fear. For my native country the year 2007 meant the big step of joining the European Union. But although there is still so much to do, I am sure that help will be found. We just have to be open and to search for it actively, to do our personal best, to follow our important path.

After all, it’s a matter of warmth—giving and manifesting eternal values like careful attention, love, and warmth. Is there anything more important?